Tournament: GBX | Round: Finals | Opponent: Brophy MS | Judge: Abbas, Miles, Quigley

1nc

The claim that the judge has a responsibility to vote Aff is mired in a fundamental paradox. The more ethics is subordinated to knowledge, theories, and rules, the less the individual agent appears as a responsible actor.

Thurschwell 2001 (Adam, Asst. Prof at Cleveland State University,  Friendship, Tradition, Democracy: Two Readings of Aristotle, 2001, CP) 

Derrida addresses the consequences of this hiatus for political theorizing most clearly in Adieu to
AND
the reassurance of any prior determined or calculable program to guide this decision. 

The paradox of ethical action pervades the realm of international politics and it incapable of investing an Aff ballot with ethical significance because of this paradox.
Derrida 1995 (Jacques,Gift of Death, 1995, CP). 

This applies all the more to political or legal matters. The concept of responsibility
AND
who remain concerned in the face of such a display of good conscience. 

1nc

Bereft of values, our society demands images of suffering from others to replenish our moral sentiment.  We exchange our pity for their pain, in a process that guarantees the suffering must continue.
Baudrillard in 94 ~Jean, September 28, "No Reprieve For Sarejevo"~
The problem lies indeed in the nature of our reality. We have got only
AND
no way undermining the military-industrial complex of old 26 sinister days. 

The multiculturalism is not a benevolent attempt to preserve the alterity of all indigenous populations, but rather a strategy of neocolonialism which reifies the fiction of the white subject, and the mantra of civilization and modernity. This strategy of multiculturalism is also the backdrop of all the current schemes of identity politics which are only extensions of white ontology and the system.

Baudrillard ’95 (Jean, "Simulacra and Simulation: The Precession of Simulacra", pp. 7-12)
Ethnology brushed up against its paradoxical death in 1971, the day when the Philippine
AND
in the light of their model, like the faces in funeral homes.  

1nc

the 1AC affirmation is a regulated open-ness that is based on continual operation within structures of the institutional status quo – vote negative to sacrifice their openness to the radically open danger of the Outside

Negarestani ’8 (Reza, philosopher, artist, "cyclonopedia: complicity with anonymous materials" p.195-199)

In the mid-eighties, before succumbing to his petromantic nympholepsy, Hamid Parsani
AND
as the prolonging of survival; affordability in all its forms guarantees survival.

The alternative is a call for radical openness – only voting negative can traverse and lacerate liberal openness and avoid appropriation by economic affordance

Negarestani ’3 (Reza Negarestani, Iranian artist and writer, "Death as a Perversion: Openness and Germinal Death," Arthur and Marilouise Kroker, Editors, 10/15/2003, www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=396-http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=396) ~m leap~

From pre-Islamic Zoroastrian mages to Sade to Nietzsche, Bataille and Deleuze,
AND
(even unlife) while anonymously coming from the compositional depths of life.

Case

The centering of a counterstructual movement only creates new locus points avoiding the nexus of power and resulting in co-option.
Derrida 1966 (Jacques, "Sign, Structure, Play" Article, pg 9)

It would be easy enough to show that the concept of structure and even the
AND
, consciousness, or conscience, God, man, and so forth. 

Radical opposition to the system affirms its existence.  Opposing discourses allow the system to simulate its own death and delay its collapse.
Baudrillard 81 ~Jean, "Simulacra and Simulation" 1981, p. 18-19~
Conjunction of the system and of its extreme alternative like the two sides of a
AND
its fundamental nonexistence, of its already seen and of its already dead.

Their rhetoric of education and political change is a strategy of neutralization which attempts to incorporate radical thought into the system of global power
Baudrillard, 95 (Jean, Simulacra and Simulation: The Implosion of Meaning in the Media, CP) 

Information devours its own content. It devours communication and the social. And for
AND
it is truly the catastrophe of meaning that lies in wait for us.

It is only the attempt to know the other from the self that creates a dualism and the condition for oppression.
Baudrillard 1993 (Jean, Transparency of Evil, pg. 127-129)
These days everything is described in terms of difference, but otherness is not the
AND
confined to reservations. These are the vicissitudes of a logic of difference.

The university is a rotting corpse upon which the cultural Left attempts to reinject meaning onto an already dying institution under the pretense that democratic deliberation and participation are still possible.
Baudrillard, 95 (Jean, Simulacra and Simulation: The Spiraling Cadaver, 1995 CP)

The university is in ruins: nonfunctional in the social arenas of the market and
AND
in return (only for a moment maybe, but we saw it).

Tournament: GBX | Round: Octas | Opponent: Wayzata LH | Judge: Burch, Ewing, Weil
1nc

The claim that the judge has a responsibility to vote Aff is mired in a fundamental paradox. The more ethics is subordinated to knowledge, theories, and rules, the less the individual agent appears as a responsible actor.
Thurschwell 2001 (Adam, Asst. Prof at Cleveland State University,  Friendship, Tradition, Democracy: Two Readings of Aristotle, 2001, CP) 

Derrida addresses the consequences of this hiatus for political theorizing most clearly in Adieu to
AND
the reassurance of any prior determined or calculable program to guide this decision. 

The paradox of ethical action pervades the realm of international politics and it incapable of investing an Aff ballot with ethical significance because of this paradox.
Derrida 1995 (Jacques,Gift of Death, 1995, CP). 

This applies all the more to political or legal matters. The concept of responsibility
AND
who remain concerned in the face of such a display of good conscience. 

1nc
the 1AC affirmation is a regulated open-ness that is based on continual operation within structures of the institutional status quo – vote negative to sacrifice their openness to the radically open danger of the Outside
Negarestani ‘8 (Reza, philosopher, artist, “cyclonopedia: complicity with anonymous materials” p.195-199)

In the mid-eighties, before succumbing to his petromantic nympholepsy, Hamid Parsani
AND
as the prolonging of survival; affordability in all its forms guarantees survival.

The alternative is a call for radical openness – only voting negative can traverse and lacerate liberal openness and avoid appropriation by economic affordance
Negarestani ‘3 (Reza Negarestani, Iranian artist and writer, “Death as a Perversion: Openness and Germinal Death,” Arthur and Marilouise Kroker, Editors, 10/15/2003, www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=396) m leap

From pre-Islamic Zoroastrian mages to Sade to Nietzsche, Bataille and Deleuze,
AND
(even unlife) while anonymously coming from the compositional depths of life.

1nc
Bereft of values, our society demands images of suffering from others to replenish our moral sentiment.  We exchange our pity for their pain, in a process that guarantees the suffering must continue.
Baudrillard in 94 Jean, September 28, "No Reprieve For Sarejevo"
The problem lies indeed in the nature of our reality. We have got only
AND
no way undermining the military-industrial complex of old and sinister days. 

The multiculturalism is not a benevolent attempt to preserve the alterity of all indigenous populations, but rather a strategy of neocolonialism which reifies the fiction of the white subject, and the mantra of civilization and modernity. This strategy of multiculturalism is also the backdrop of all the current schemes of identity politics which are only extensions of white ontology and the system.
Baudrillard ’95 (Jean, “Simulacra and Simulation: The Precession of Simulacra”, pp. 7-12)
Ethnology brushed up against its paradoxical death in 1971, the day when the Philippine
AND
in the light of their model, like the faces in funeral homes.  

Radical opposition to the system affirms its existence.  Opposing discourses allow the system to simulate its own death and delay its collapse.
Baudrillard 81 Jean, “Simulacra and Simulation” 1981, p. 18-19
Conjunction of the system and of its extreme alternative like the two sides of a
AND
its fundamental nonexistence, of its already seen and of its already dead.

1nc
The debate community is NOT Cuba and their parallel drawing is dangerous and undermines their discussions’ transformative potential—
First, their creation of the ‘oppressed third world woman’ furthers eurocentrism by retaining western women as subjects and objectifying third world women. This justifies homogenization and paternalistic attitudes towards third world women.
Mohanty 84
(Chandra Talpade, She is the women's studies department chair and professor of Women's and Gender Studies, Sociology, and the Cultural Foundations of Education and Dean's Professor of the Humanities at Syracuse University, “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses”, boundary 2, Vol. 12/13, Vol. 12, no. 3 - Vol. 13, no. 1, On Humanism and the University I: The Discourse of Humanism (Spring - Autumn, 1984), pp. 333-358, JSTOR)SK

What happens when this assumption of "women as an oppresed group" is situated
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power in defining, coding and maintaining existing first/third world connections. 

Their position of charity and false solidarity that takes place from a distance and above are precisely the sort of voyeuristic investments in suffering that not only make true solidarity impossible but also invest in the narratives of power at the root of the violence they describe.
El Kilombo Intergalactico 7 Collective in Durham NC that interviewed Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, Beyond Resistance: Everything p. 1-2
In our efforts to forge a new path, we found that an old friend
AND
manual for contemporary political action that eventually must be written by us all.

The Affirmatives Understanding of Sex As Either masculine or non-masculine Creates Political Exclusions of the Transgendered Body – Resisting This Dichotomy is Essential to Usurp the Normative Conditions That Make All Violence Possible
Dr. Signe Bremer PhD in Cultural Sciences @ Gothenburg University 2013 Penis as Risk: A Queer Phenomenology of Two Swedish Transgender Women’s Narratives on Gender Correction Somatechnics 3.2 (2013): 329–350
The Legal Advisory Council, at the Swedish NBHW has been consistent in requiring vaginoplasty
AND
those available in a human rights discourse will be needed (Spade 2011).

Case

The centering of a counterstructual movement only creates new locus points avoiding the nexus of power and resulting in co-option.
Derrida 1966 (Jacques, “Sign, Structure, Play” Article, pg 9)

It would be easy enough to show that the concept of structure and even the
AND
, consciousness, or conscience, God, man, and so forth.

Tournament: Greenhill | Round: 1 | Opponent: Notredame AB | Judge: Paul Johnson

1nc

Reforms now because of economic pressure – it will end Cuban communism
Sadowski, 11 – JD, Hofstra University School of Law, and Managing Editor of the Journal of International Business and Law (Richard, "Cuban Offshore Drilling: Preparation and Prevention within the Framework of the United States’ Embargo", 12 Sustainable Dev. L. 26 Pol’y 37, lexis)KW

RECENT ECONOMIC POLICY CHANGES IN CUBA SIGNAL  THE END OF OPPRESSIVE CUBAN RULE  
Economic pressure has been weighing heavy on the Castro  regime, foreshadowing an end to
AND
the world food  crisis, released prisoners, and commuted death sentences.86

Expanding economic engagement provides profits to the regime to finance the expansion of communism globally and strengthen Cuban alliances with rogue states
Brookes, 9 - Senior Fellow, National Security Affairs at the Heritage Foundation (Peter, "Keep the Embargo, O" 4/16, http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2009/04/keep-the-embargo-o-http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2009/04/keep-the-embargo-o)

Of course, the big empanada is the US economic embargo against Cuba, in place since 1962, which undoubtedly is the thing Havana most wants done away with — without any concessions on Cuba’s part, of course.
Lifting the embargo won’t normalize relations, but instead legitimize — and wave the white flag to — Fidel’s 50-year fight against the Yanquis, further lionizing the dictator and encouraging the Latin American Left.
Because the economy is nationalized, trade will pour plenty of cash into the Cuban national coffers — allowing Havana to suppress dissent at home and bolster its communist agenda abroad.
The last thing we should do is to fill the pockets of a regime that’ll use those profits to keep a jackboot on the neck of the Cuban people. The political and human-rights situation in Cuba is grim enough already.
The police state controls the lives of 11 million Cubans in what has become an island prison. The people enjoy none of the basic civil liberties — no freedom of speech, press, assembly or association.
Security types monitor foreign journalists, restrict Internet access and foreign news and censor the domestic media. The regime holds more than 200 political dissidents in jails that rats won’t live in.
We also don’t need a pumped-up Cuba that could become a serious menace to US interests in Latin America, the Caribbean — or beyond. (The likes of China, Russia and Iran might also look to partner with a revitalized Cuba.)
With an influx of resources, the Cuban regime would surely team up with the rulers of nations like Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia to advance socialism and anti-Americanism in the Western Hemisphere.
The embargo has stifled Havana’s ambitions ever since the Castros lost their Soviet sponsorship in the early 1990s. Anyone noticed the lack of trouble Cuba has caused internationally since then? Contrast that with the 1980s some time.
Regrettably, 110 years after independence from Spain (courtesy of Uncle Sam), Cuba still isn’t free. Instead of utopia, it has become a dystopia at the hands of the Castro brothers.
The US embargo remains a matter of principle — and an appropriate response to Cuba’s brutal repression of its people. Giving in to evil only begets more of it. Haven’t we learned that yet?
Until we see progress in loosing the Cuban people from the yoke of the communist regime, we should hold firm onto the leverage the embargo provides.

Communism is quite bad
Doino, 13 (William Doino Jr., "Communism’s Forgotten Crimes", May 28, 2013, http://www.firstthings.com/onthesquare/2013/05/communismrsquos-forgotten-crimes, jld)

On an early summer day, six years ago next month, an event of
AND
even know that such a memorial exists, is a loss for everyone.
From the terror famine in the Ukraine to the Gulag Archipelago, from Mao’s Cultural Revolution to the barbarism of North Korea, from the persecutions in Eastern Europe to the tyranny in Cuba, from the re-education camps in Vietnam to the killing fields of Cambodia, Communism has left a path of global mayhem and destruction.
It has not done so alone, of course. The other overwhelming evil of
AND
crimes of Communism, much less shown the same sensitivity toward its victims.

That o/ws
Beversluis, 89 (Eric H. April 1989. "On Shunning Undesirable Regimes: Ethics and Economic Sanctions." Public Affairs Quarterly, April, vol. 3, no. 2)

A fundamental task of morality is resolving conflicting interests. If we both want the same piece of land, ethics provides a basis for resolving the conflict by identifying "mine" and "thine." If in anger 1 want to smash your face, ethics indicates that your face’s being unsmashed is a legitimate interest of yours which takes precedence over my own interest in expressing my rage. Thus ethics identifies the rights of individuals when their interests conflict.
But how can a case for shunning be made on this view of morality?
AND
, on what grounds might it be a duty to impose such sanctions’?
We find the answer when we note that there is another "level" of
AND
rights of others with one’s actions but also to support that moral order.
Consider that the moral order itself contributes significantly to people’s rights being respected. It
AND
. Certain types of behavior constitute a direct attack on the moral order.
When the violation of human rights is flagrant, willful, and persistent, the offender is, as it were, thumbing her nose at the moral order, publicly rejecting it as binding her behavior. Clearly such behavior, if tolerated by society, will weaken and perhaps eventually undermine altogether the moral order. Let us look briefly at those three conditions which turn immoral behavior into an attack on the moral order.
An immoral action is flagrant if it is "extremely or deliberately conspicuous; notorious
AND
reaffirms the legitimacy of that moral order. How does shunning do this?
First, by refusing publicly to have to do with such a person one announces support for the moral order and backs up the announcement with action. This action reinforces the commitment to the moral order both of the shunner and of the other members of the community. (Secretary of State Shultz in effect made this argument in his caB for international sanctions on Libya in the early days of 1986.). .
Further, shunning may have a moral effect on the shunned person, even if the direct impact is not adequate to change the immoral behavior. If the shunned person thinks of herself as part of the moral community, shunning may well make clear to her that she is, in fact, removing herself from that community by the behavior in question. Thus shunning may achieve by moral suasion what cannot be achieved by "force."
Finally, shunning may be a form of punishment, of moral sanction, whose appropriateness depends not on whether it will change the person’s behavior, but on whether he deserves the punishment for violating the moral order.
Punishment than can be viewed as a way of maintaining the moral order, of "purifying the community" after it has been made "unclean," as ancient communities might have put it.

1nc

The instruments of engagement must be exclusively economic
Jakstaite, 10 - Doctoral Candidate Vytautas Magnus University Faculty of Political Sciences and Diplomacy (Lithuania) (Gerda, "CONTAINMENT AND ENGAGEMENT AS MIDDLE-RANGE THEORIES" BALTIC JOURNAL OF LAW 26 POLITICS VOLUME 3, NUMBER 2 (2010), DOI: 10.2478/v10076-010-0015-7)

The approach to engagement as economic engagement focuses exclusively on economic instruments of foreign policy with the main national interest being security. Economic engagement is a policy of the conscious development of economic relations with the adversary in order to change the target state?s behaviour and to improve bilateral relations.94
Economic engagement is academically wielded in several respects. It recommends that the state engage the target country in the international community (with the there existing rules) and modify the target state?s run foreign policy, thus preventing the emergence of a potential enemy.95 Thus, this strategy aims to ensure safety in particular, whereas economic benefit is not a priority objective.
Objectives of economic engagement indicate that this form of engagement is designed for relations with
AND
exclude the possibility to realize economic engagement in relations with democratic regimes.97
Proponents of economic engagement believe that the economy may be one factor which leads to closer relations and cooperation (a more peaceful foreign policy and the expected pledge to cooperate) between hostile countries – closer economic ties will develop the target state?s dependence on economic engagement implementing state for which such relations will also be cost-effective (i.e., the mutual dependence).
However, there are some important conditions for the economic factor in engagement to be
AND
that would help them maintain a dominant position in their own country.98
Proponents of economic engagement do not provide a detailed description of the means of this
AND
are developed depending on changes in the target state?s behaviour.99
Unconditional economic engagement is more moderate form of engagement. Engagement applying state while developing economic relations with an adversary hopes that the resulting economic dependence over time will change foreign policy course of the target state and reduce the likelihood of armed conflict. Theorists assume that economic dependence may act as a restriction of target state?s foreign policy or as transforming factor that changes target state?s foreign policy objectives.100
Thus, economic engagement focuses solely on economic measures (although theorists do not give a more detailed description), on strategically important actors of the international arena and includes other types of engagement, such as the conditional-unconditional economic engagement.

Violation- They normalize relations- even if it allows for economic engagement through trade the action of the plan is diplomatic 

Voting issue- 

1. limits – they explode the topic – blurring the lines between economic and other forms of engagement makes any positive interaction with another country topical.  It’s impossible to predict or prepare

2. negative ground – the economic limit is vital to critiques of economics, trade disads, and non-economic counterplans

1nc

Claims of war and conflict create a false enemy —- ignores our role in aggression
Mack 91 – Doctor of Psychiatry and a professor at Harvard University (John, "The Enemy System" http://www.johnemackinstitute.org/eJournal/article.asp?id=23 *Gender modified)
The threat of nuclear annihilation has stimulated us to try to understand what it is
AND
, taking their cues from the leadership, contribute powerfully to the process.

Their paranoid projections guarantee extinction
Hollander 3 – professor of Latin American history and women’s studies at California State University (Nancy, "A Psychoanalytic Perspective on the Politics of Terror:In the Aftermath of 9/11" www.estadosgerais.org/mundial_rj/download/FLeitor_NHollander_ingl.pdf)
In this sense, then, 9-11 has symbolically constituted a relief in
AND
believes that such denial only increases reliance on projective mechanisms and stimulates paranoia. 

Critical intellectualism is critical to stop extinction—the ballot matters
Jones 99-
—IR, Aberystwyth (Richard, "6. Emancipation: Reconceptualizing Practice," Security, Strategy and Critical Theory, http://www.ciaonet.org/book/wynjones/wynjones06.html)

The central political task of the intellectuals is to aid in the construction of a
AND
services, they inevitably become somewhat debased. The hope is that enough of
the residual meaning can survive to shift the parameters of the debate in a potentially
AND
They can also take advantage of the seemingly unquenchable thirst of the media for
instant punditry to forward alternative views onto a broader stage. Nancy Fraser argues:
AND
should act as both an inspiration and a challenge to critical security studies.

1nc

The plan would immediately result in U.S. domination of Cuba’s rice market—no exports now
USA RICE 2011 ("Cuba could become largest U.S. rice market overnight?" Western Farm Press, October 28, http://westernfarmpress.com/government/cuba-could-become-largest-us-rice-market-overnight)
USA Rice Federation President and CEO Betsy Ward addressed an audience of Cuban officials and business interests during a panel discussion hosted by the Cuban Interests Section today.  The event was broadcast via video conference to Cuban government officials in Havana.
Ward underscored how opening agricultural trade between the U.S. and Cuba would benefit both countries. "Under normal commercial relations we believe that Cuba could become, overnight, the largest market for U.S. grown rice in the world," Ward said.  "The lifting of sanctions will generate jobs in rural America and it would enable Cuba to buy high quality rice from a nearby supplier, reducing shipping time, storage and transportation costs."
Prior to the 1962 embargo, Cuba was the top export destination for U.
AND
Sixty percent of the rice consumed in Cuba is imported from other countries.

Cuba is a key rice market for Vietnam but it couldn’t compete with the US
NIELSEN 2003 (Chantal Pohl Nielsen, Danish Research Institute of Food Economics, Vietnam’s Rice Policy, www.gtap.agecon.purdue.edu/resources/download/1080.pdf?)
The explanation behind the observation that the United States, Pakistan and Thailand seem able
AND
, increasing the value of rice exports must definitely be a clear priority.
Vietnam’s major export markets within the region are Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines (
AND
EU account for only a very small share of total Vietnamese rice exports.

Rice is key to Vietnamese economy
YOUNG et al 2002 (Kenneth B. Young, Eric J.Wailes, Gail L. Cramer, Department of Agricultural Economics and Agribusiness, University of Arkansas; Nguyen Tri Khiem, Can Tho University; "Vietnam’s Rice Economy: Developments and Prospects," April, arkansasagnews.uark.edu/968.pdf?)
Vietnam’s food crop sector, comprising more than 85 rice, is the most
AND
and about 25 of the total export value from 1994 to 1996.

Vietnamese economic decline causes regional instability and crushes ASEAN
MITTON 2010 (Roger, "Economic reform vital for teetering Vietnam," Phnom Penh Post, Dec 13, factiva)
Now we have Vietnam, where the warnings of impending catastrophe grow ever louder.
AND
counterparts did in Romania, Poland and East Germany not so long ago.

Strong ASEAN key to prevent worldwide environmental collapse—impact is extinction
SWAJAYA 2012 (Ngurah Swajaya, Indonesia’s permanent representative to Asean, served as special adviser to the president of the Bali international conferences on climate change in 2007 and the chair of the Preparatory Committee of the World Summit on Sustainable Development in 2001, "Rio+ 20: An Opportunity for Asean to Stand Up And Play a Major Role in Shaping Earth’s Future," Jakarta Globe, June 7, http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/archive/rio-20-an-opportunity-for-asean-to-stand-up-and-play-a-major-role-in-shaping-earths-future/)
It may indeed be the last chance for the international community to push the reset button to ensure that the more than 7 billion people in the world today can be fed, clothed and sheltered without further damaging the environment.
That’s because 20 years after the first Earth Summit, the world’s environment continues to deteriorate at an alarming rate, while the socioeconomic plight of some 80 percent of humankind remains bleak. Most of the world’s production is consumed by a small percentage of the world’s population. The gap between the haves and have-nots continues to widen in the face of uncertainties and the threat of a double-dip depression triggered by the euro-zone crisis.
Efforts to reinvigorate commitment to Rio Agenda 21 at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg in 2002 did not bring much progress. The Bali Climate Conference of 2007 yielded encouraging results, but subsequent global negotiations on climate change were all inconclusive.
The Living Planet Report 2012 issued by the WWF and Global Footprint Network shows a
AND
of the grim facts that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations must face.
The third-largest economy in Asia, Asean is expected to grow at an
AND
in the further deterioration of air quality and depletion of drinking water supplies.
Given this backdrop, Asean is called upon to take bold steps to collectively contribute, as a regional community of nations, to the solution of the global challenges of climate change and sustainable development, for the following reasons:
First, given Asean’s explosive growth in the next two decades, sustainable development is
AND
Asean has solemnly committed itself to contribute to the solution of global problems.
For several years now, Asean has been pursuing a policy of sustainable development. It strives for high and inclusive economic growth without jeopardizing the ecology. Through various arrangements, Asean countries are cooperating among themselves and with dialogue partners to address climate change through sustainable forestry management, the promotion of energy security and energy efficiency, initiatives to make extractive industries more eco-friendly, protecting biodiversity and, in general, promoting a green economy.
At the Rio+20, Asean can advocate such cooperative undertakings and also help build global political consensus toward meaningful outcomes beyond political rhetoric. This is a role for Asean that Indonesia championed during its tenure as Asean chair last year. And Asean has the opportunity to realize it in the upcoming Rio+20 — and thereby help save humankind from the dangerous follies of pollution.

1nc

Interpretation- the aff must prove cause and permanence
Violation- there is no permanence in the status quo- recent changes like travel restrictions and remittances prove
It is within the judges ambit to assumer minor repairs due to proven propensity in the status quo
Inherency is a voting issue-
Ground- cause and permanence are the basis for all neg ground- makes being neg impossible and makes in depth case research impossible
Limits- forces hard cap on the literature base- increases clash and creates predictability

Ag

Zero chance the US adopts the Cuban model
Pfeiffer, 3 – energy editor for From the Wilderness (Dale, "Cuba-A Hope", From the Wilderness,
http://www.fromthewilderness.com/free/ww3/120103_korea_2.html-http://www.fromthewilderness.com/free/ww3/120103_korea_2.html.

Resistance to Cuban-style agricultural reform would be particularly stiff in the United States
AND
to turn a profit is effectively drowned out by the overproduction of agribusiness.
Status quo solves- modeling
Friedman-Rudovsky, 12 – received a Fulbright fellowship for photography of Bolivia’s social movements and a contributor to The New York Times (Noah, "Urban Agriculture in Cuba (Photo Essay)", NACLA (North American Congress on Latin America), 10/18/12, https://nacla.org/news/2012/10/18/urban-agriculture-cuba-photo-essay)//EX
Cubans see their urban agriculture movement as a possible solution as the world begins to
AND
the urban agriculture program, which should be extended to the entire country."

Lifting sanctions means agribusiness has a free hand to destroy Cuba’s ag model – maintaining sanctions are vital to resisting ag neoliberalism
Gonzalez, 4 - Associate Professor, Seattle University School of Law (Carmen, "WHITHER GOES CUBA? PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC 26 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT PART II OF II: Trade Liberalization, Food Security, and the Environment: The Neoliberal Threat to Sustainable Rural Development" 14 Transnat’l L. 26 Contemp. Probs. 419, lexis)

The greatest challenge to Cuba’s unique agricultural experiment is the eventual renewal of trade relations
AND
the Special Period in ways that diverged radically from the prevailing neoliberal model.
One of the most significant decisions that Cuba will face after the lifting of the
AND
normalize relations with external creditors and to obtain badly needed infusions of capital.
Debt relief, however, will come at a very high price. Cuba,
AND
, like Argentina, would become a major cultivator of genetically modified crops.
Based on the track record of the neoliberal model in the developing world, it
AND
political and economic interests) by shutting Cuba out of lucrative EU markets.
The neoliberal model would also jeopardize food security at the household level by fueling rural
AND
farms), and transfer-based entitlements (state subsidies and food aid).
Neoliberal economic reforms may also jeopardize Cuba’s experiment in sustainable agriculture. Export production tends
AND
pest and other beneficial insects) and by producing ecosystem-wide disturbances.
In short, Cuba’s adoption of neoliberal economic reforms threatens to recreate colonial and post
AND
. The prospects for food security and ecological sustainability under neoliberalism are grim.
D. Summary and Conclusion: The Symbolic Significance of Cuba
The saga of Cuban agriculture illustrates the ways in which developing countries are structurally disadvantaged
AND
domestic food production, and promote organic and semi-organic farming techniques.
Cuba is symbolically important because it demonstrates that there is an alternative to the dominant
AND
and ecological sustainability, and to explore alternative strategies for sustainable rural development.

Ending economic pressures turns the case
Ruiz-Marrero, 13 - research associate at the Institute for Social Ecology and director of the Puerto Rico Project on Biosafety (Carmelo, "Cuba’s other revolution", 6/13, http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:bK21TEk9l5AJ:progreso-weekly.com/ini/index.php/cuba/3988-cuba-other-revolution+26cd=3926hl=en26ct=clnk26gl=us)

But observers should not romanticize or idealize Cuba’s reality. Agroecology in Cuba faces serious
AND
but rather with the conviction that it really is the path to take".

No impact to the environment
Boucher 98 (Doug, "Not with a Bang but a Whimper," Science and Society, Fall, http://www.driftline.org/cgi-bin/archive/archive_msg.cgi?file=spoon-archives/marxism-international.archive/marxism-international_1998/marxism-international.980226msgnum=37926start=3209126end=32412)

The political danger of catastrophism is matched by the weakness of its scientific foundation.
AND
and further investigation often shows that the reasons for collapse were fundamentally political.

Relations

OAS cred is unsustainable – distrust and rising alternatives
Lee 12 – Senior Production Editor (Brianna, "The Organization of American States," 4/13/12, http://www.cfr.org/latin-america-and-the-caribbean/organization-american-states/p27945)//SJF

CFR’s Shannon K. O’Neil says the OAS’s role as a forum for regular,
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the OAS as a political entity "has declined precipitously in recent years."
However, analysts say, since the Democratic Charter was signed, the organization’s consensus around democracy promotion has atrophied.
One of the OAS’s major administrative constraints is its consensus model, which requires a
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without proportional expansion of funding made for an "unsustainable" fiscal future.
Election monitoring, one of the OAS’s major functions in light of its commitment to democracy, is also restricted by its inability to send election observers without the invitation of state governments. "They can’t condemn a country unless that country wants to be condemned," CFR’s O’Neil says. Nevertheless, she adds, it has become a norm in many member countries to accept OAS monitors, which she says has been helpful.
Within the hemisphere, conflicting views on the OAS’s loyalties abound. In the summer 2011 issue of Americas Quarterly, Anthony DePalma sums up the range of mistrust: "Insulza and the OAS itself are widely seen as being bullied by Venezuela (he denies it), as catering to ~Venezuelan President~ Hugo Chavez’s friends in Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua (evidence suggests otherwise) and, strangely, still beholden to the U.S., even though Washington seems to have lost interest."
Chavez has called the OAS a puppet of the United States; at the same time, in July 2011, the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs passed a Republican-sponsored bill to defund the OAS (ForeignPolicy), on the charge that the organization supported anti-democracy regimes in Latin America.
Various efforts have been made to create organizations to act as alternatives to the OAS. In 2010, Latin American leaders formed the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), an organization that excludes the United States. Chavez and Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa have expressed the desire for CELAC to eventually supplant the OAS, although Sabatini argues that CELAC is "nothing more than a piece of paper and a dream."
Many consider another regional organization, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), to be a useful counterweight to the OAS. UNASUR is regarded by many observers as a means for Brazil to assert its power in the region. O’Neil argues the organization has been able to fulfill some duties that the OAS has been less effective in doing, such as successfully mediating between Ecuador and Colombia during their diplomatic crisis in 2008.
Despite the OAS’s shortcomings and questions over its continued relevance in the region, there is a strong call to reform the organization rather than eliminate it altogether.

No chance of militarization
Darling 10 – International military markets analyst with Forecast International Inc., an aerospace and defense research company (Daniel, "Another Falklands War? Not Bloody Likely," 2/25/10, http://www.thefastertimes.com/defensespending/2010/02/25/another-falkland-war-not-bloody-likely/)//SJF

Such particulars aside, it should be emphasized that the Falkland Islands are better defended
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in case of a military stalemate despite a minimal supply of escort ships.
The crucial question is less what the British could muster should war again break out
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Pleasant air base and 1,076 military personnel stationed on the islands.
In contrast, the Argentine armed forces offer up little offensive capability. Once a
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would be a difficult hurdle for the country to forcefully retake the islands.
Simply looking at the most recent defense expenditures – 242.2 billion in
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they could still bring more modern capability to bear than their Argentine counterpart.
One aside to the territorial dispute is that the big winner amidst all the public
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British armed forces, lambasting the Labor government’s defense policies in the process.
While the Falkland territorial dispute will continue to retain its political dimension, the possibility
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country’s claim to the island serves no one, least of all Argentina.
With Buenos Aires’ diplomatic envoys going into overdrive to downplay the prospect of war over the islands, the Argentine president no doubt understands this, much as she probably grasps that another such war might very well end for Buenos Aires in the same manner as the last affair – with its armed forces defeated and the sitting government given the boot by an angry public.

Slow change key to Cuban reform - avoids rapid regime collapse
Feinberg 11 - professor of international political economy at UC San Dieg, nonresident senior fellow with the Latin America Initiative at Brookings (Richard E., "Reaching Out: Cuba’s New Economy and the International Response", November, Brookings, http://www.brookings.edu/~~/media/research/files/papers/2011/11/1820cuba20feinberg/1118_cuba_feinberg.pdf)//ID-http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2011/11/18 cuba feinberg/1118_cuba_feinberg.pdf)ID
Gradualism: Gradualism in economic reform—as opposed to an Eastern European-style
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policy paralysis or a smoke-screen for maintenance of the status quo.

Rapid change risks Cuban civil war
Feinberg 11 - professor of international political economy at UC San Dieg, nonresident senior fellow with the Latin America Initiative at Brookings (Richard E., "Reaching Out: Cuba’s New Economy and the International Response", November, Brookings, http://www.brookings.edu/~~/media/research/files/papers/2011/11/1820cuba20feinberg/1118_cuba_feinberg.pdf-http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2011/11/18 cuba feinberg/1118_cuba_feinberg.pdf)ID
Some in the United States have long supported severe sanctions  intended to starve the Cuban
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to quell a bloody civil  war and halt a mass exodus of refugees.

Cuba says no to US economic concessions – it fears political change
Margulies 2008- J.D. from New York University School of Law
(Michael, "STRONGER TRADE OR STRONGER EMBARGO:
WHAT THE FUTURE HOLDS FOR UNITED
STATES-CUBA RELATIONS", 2008, 8 Asper Rev. Int’l Bus. 26 Trade L. 147, heinonline)KW
When the TSRA provisions took effect on 25 February 2001, Cuba did not immediately
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legislation and tap into the potential benefits of trading with the Cuban state.

current Cuban economic model prohibits FDI
Feinberg 11 - professor of international political economy at UC San Dieg, nonresident senior fellow with the Latin America Initiative at Brookings (Richard E., "Reaching Out: Cuba’s New Economy and the International Response", November, Brookings, http://www.brookings.edu/~~/media/research/files/papers/2011/11/1820cuba20feinberg/1118_cuba_feinberg.pdf-http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2011/11/18 cuba feinberg/1118_cuba_feinberg.pdf)ID
Despite these advances, the Cuban economy remains in the doldrums (as described in
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their bilateral trade accounts, but are  frustrated by Cuba’s scant economic offerings.

Alt causes – Castro influence
Jorge 2k (Dr. Antonio, Professor of Political Economy at Florida International University, "The U.S. Embargo and the Failure of the Cuban Economy" (2000).Institute for Cuban 26 Cuban-American Studies Occasional Papers.Paper 28. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/iccaspapers/28)**
It follows, from all of the above, that a lifting of the embargo
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— which is openly and vigorously enforced — between foreigners and Cuban nationals.

Tournament: Greenhill | Round: 3 | Opponent: Westwood BC | Judge: Juan Garcia

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Reforms now because of economic pressure – it will end Cuban communism

Sadowski, 11 – JD, Hofstra University School of Law, and Managing Editor of the Journal of International Business and Law (Richard, "Cuban Offshore Drilling: Preparation and Prevention within the Framework of the United States’ Embargo", 12 Sustainable Dev. L. 26 Pol’y 37, lexis)KW

RECENT ECONOMIC POLICY CHANGES IN CUBA SIGNAL  THE END OF OPPRESSIVE CUBAN RULE  
Economic pressure has been weighing heavy on the Castro  regime, foreshadowing an end to
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the world food  crisis, released prisoners, and commuted death sentences.86

Expanding economic engagement provides profits to the regime to finance the expansion of communism globally and strengthen Cuban alliances with rogue states

Brookes, 9 - Senior Fellow, National Security Affairs at the Heritage Foundation (Peter, "Keep the Embargo, O" 4/16, http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2009/04/keep-the-embargo-o-http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2009/04/keep-the-embargo-o)

Of course, the big empanada is the US economic embargo against Cuba, in place since 1962, which undoubtedly is the thing Havana most wants done away with — without any concessions on Cuba’s part, of course.
Lifting the embargo won’t normalize relations, but instead legitimize — and wave the white flag to — Fidel’s 50-year fight against the Yanquis, further lionizing the dictator and encouraging the Latin American Left.
Because the economy is nationalized, trade will pour plenty of cash into the Cuban national coffers — allowing Havana to suppress dissent at home and bolster its communist agenda abroad.
The last thing we should do is to fill the pockets of a regime that’ll use those profits to keep a jackboot on the neck of the Cuban people. The political and human-rights situation in Cuba is grim enough already.
The police state controls the lives of 11 million Cubans in what has become an island prison. The people enjoy none of the basic civil liberties — no freedom of speech, press, assembly or association.
Security types monitor foreign journalists, restrict Internet access and foreign news and censor the domestic media. The regime holds more than 200 political dissidents in jails that rats won’t live in.
We also don’t need a pumped-up Cuba that could become a serious menace to US interests in Latin America, the Caribbean — or beyond. (The likes of China, Russia and Iran might also look to partner with a revitalized Cuba.)
With an influx of resources, the Cuban regime would surely team up with the rulers of nations like Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia to advance socialism and anti-Americanism in the Western Hemisphere.
The embargo has stifled Havana’s ambitions ever since the Castros lost their Soviet sponsorship in the early 1990s. Anyone noticed the lack of trouble Cuba has caused internationally since then? Contrast that with the 1980s some time.
Regrettably, 110 years after independence from Spain (courtesy of Uncle Sam), Cuba still isn’t free. Instead of utopia, it has become a dystopia at the hands of the Castro brothers.
The US embargo remains a matter of principle — and an appropriate response to Cuba’s brutal repression of its people. Giving in to evil only begets more of it. Haven’t we learned that yet?
Until we see progress in loosing the Cuban people from the yoke of the communist regime, we should hold firm onto the leverage the embargo provides.

Communism is bad

Doino, 13 (William Doino Jr., "Communism’s Forgotten Crimes", May 28, 2013, http://www.firstthings.com/onthesquare/2013/05/communismrsquos-forgotten-crimes, jld)

On an early summer day, six years ago next month, an event of
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even know that such a memorial exists, is a loss for everyone.
From the terror famine in the Ukraine to the Gulag Archipelago, from Mao’s Cultural Revolution to the barbarism of North Korea, from the persecutions in Eastern Europe to the tyranny in Cuba, from the re-education camps in Vietnam to the killing fields of Cambodia, Communism has left a path of global mayhem and destruction.
It has not done so alone, of course. The other overwhelming evil of
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crimes of Communism, much less shown the same sensitivity toward its victims.

That o/ws
Beversluis, 89 (Eric H. April 1989. "On Shunning Undesirable Regimes: Ethics and Economic Sanctions." Public Affairs Quarterly, April, vol. 3, no. 2)

A fundamental task of morality is resolving conflicting interests. If we both want the same piece of land, ethics provides a basis for resolving the conflict by identifying "mine" and "thine." If in anger 1 want to smash your face, ethics indicates that your face’s being unsmashed is a legitimate interest of yours which takes precedence over my own interest in expressing my rage. Thus ethics identifies the rights of individuals when their interests conflict.
But how can a case for shunning be made on this view of morality?
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, on what grounds might it be a duty to impose such sanctions’?
We find the answer when we note that there is another "level" of
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rights of others with one’s actions but also to support that moral order.
Consider that the moral order itself contributes significantly to people’s rights being respected. It
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. Certain types of behavior constitute a direct attack on the moral order.
When the violation of human rights is flagrant, willful, and persistent, the offender is, as it were, thumbing her nose at the moral order, publicly rejecting it as binding her behavior. Clearly such behavior, if tolerated by society, will weaken and perhaps eventually undermine altogether the moral order. Let us look briefly at those three conditions which turn immoral behavior into an attack on the moral order.
An immoral action is flagrant if it is "extremely or deliberately conspicuous; notorious
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reaffirms the legitimacy of that moral order. How does shunning do this?
First, by refusing publicly to have to do with such a person one announces support for the moral order and backs up the announcement with action. This action reinforces the commitment to the moral order both of the shunner and of the other members of the community. (Secretary of State Shultz in effect made this argument in his caB for international sanctions on Libya in the early days of 1986.). .
Further, shunning may have a moral effect on the shunned person, even if the direct impact is not adequate to change the immoral behavior. If the shunned person thinks of herself as part of the moral community, shunning may well make clear to her that she is, in fact, removing herself from that community by the behavior in question. Thus shunning may achieve by moral suasion what cannot be achieved by "force."
Finally, shunning may be a form of punishment, of moral sanction, whose appropriateness depends not on whether it will change the person’s behavior, but on whether he deserves the punishment for violating the moral order.
Punishment than can be viewed as a way of maintaining the moral order, of "purifying the community" after it has been made "unclean," as ancient communities might have put it.

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A. Interpretation – economic engagement requires expanding bilateral economic relations

Kahler, 6 - Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California, San Diego (M., "Strategic Uses of Economic Interdependence: Engagement Policies on the Korean Peninsula and Across the Taiwan Strait" in Journal of Peace Research (2006), 43:5, p. 523-541, Sage Publications)

Economic engagement - a policy of deliberately expanding economic ties with an adversary in order
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great power politics and that it may be more widespread than previously recognized.

This means the plan has to be government-to-government – not private economic engagement

Daga, 13 - director of research at Politicas Publicas para la Libertad, in Bolivia, and a visiting senior policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation (Sergio, "Economics of the 2013-2014 Debate Topic:
U.S. Economic Engagement Toward Cuba, Mexico or Venezuela", National Center for Policy Analysis, 5/15, http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf-http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf)

Economic engagement between or among countries can take many forms, but this document will
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some issues are more important with respect to some countries than to others.

’Its’ is a possessive pronoun showing ownership

Glossary of English Grammar Terms, 2005  
(http://www.usingenglish.com/glossary/possessive-pronoun.html)

Mine, yours, his, hers, its, ours, theirs are the possessive pronouns used to substitute a noun and to show possession or ownership.
EG. This is your disk and that’s mine. (Mine substitutes the word disk and shows that it belongs to me.)

B. Violation – the plan merely removes barriers

C. Voting issue –

1.  limits – a government limit is the only way to keep the topic manageable – otherwise they could use any 3^rd party intermediary, lift barriers to private engagement, or target civil society – it makes topic preparation impossible

2. negative ground – formal governmental channels are key to predictable relations disads and counterplans that test ’engagement’

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The resolution indicates affs should advocate topical government change

Ericson 3 (Jon M., Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4)

The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each topic contains
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compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose.
First, a limited topic of discussion that provides for equitable ground is key to productive inculcation of decision-making and advocacy skills in every and all facets of life—-even if their position is contestable that’s distinct from it being valuably debatable—-this still provides room for flexibility, creativity, and innovation, but targets the discussion to avoid mere statements of fact—-T debates also solve any possible turn
Steinberg 26 Freeley 8 *Austin J. Freeley is a Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, AND David L. Steinberg , Lecturer of Communication Studies @ U Miami, Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making pp45-
Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of
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the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose.
Second, discussion of specific policy-questions is crucial for skills development—-we control uniqueness: university students already have preconceived and ideological notions about how the world operates—-government policy discussion is vital to force engagement with and resolution of competing perspectives to improve social outcomes, however those outcomes may be defined—-and, it breaks out of traditional pedagogical frameworks by positing students as agents of decision-making
Esberg 26 Sagan 12 *Jane Esberg is special assistant to the director at New York University’s Center on. International Cooperation. She was the winner of 2009 Firestone Medal, AND Scott Sagan is a professor of political science and director of Stanford’s Center for International Security and Cooperation "NEGOTIATING NONPROLIFERATION: Scholarship, Pedagogy, and Nuclear Weapons Policy," 2/17 The Nonproliferation Review, 19:1, 95-108
These government or quasi-government think tank simulations often provide very similar lessons for
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quickly; simulations teach students how to contextualize and act on information.14

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The 1ac’s justified with moralizing politics that distances us from responsibility

Bauman, 95-
 (Zygmunt, Professor of sociology at the University of Leeds, Life in fragments. Essays in postmodern Moralities, 1995)
In effect, the focus of moral concerns has been shifted from the self-
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from among many, each of which ports expert endorsement and/or the

That’s cause inevitable violence and prevents us from embracing ethics

Bauman, 95-
 (Zygmunt, Professor of sociology at the University of Leeds, Life in fragments. Essays in postmodern Moralities, 1995)
(Reject the gendered language)
Such conditions—conditions without which there would be no camps and no genocide,
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, a contraption to the float responsibility—most conspicuously, moral responsibility.  

Alt: Reject the aff’s justification of moral assistance —- individualism is the best way to solve

Bauman, 95-
 (Zygmunt, Professor of sociology at the University of Leeds, Life in fragments. Essays in postmodern Moralities, 1995)
One modern possible interpretation of what is happening is that post-modernity preserves the
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moral character of our choice, and seeing their moral content more clearly. 

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The cold war relic’s political words are rising from the page and coming to destroy us. It encircles the citizens and squeezes the value of life out of the victims- their dead bodies left as tools to be used for economic profit. These sanctions deny them the aide for medicine – making them inevitably dead in the status quo. This violence is ignored by the high privileged ivory tower elites towers as they lift their noses and watch as the Cuban people squirm and gravel under their regime. The words from the sanctions become chains- linking them together and holding them hostages for the assembly line of systematic genocide.

We now turn to HP Lovecraft, to continue the story:

 (HP Lovecraft, "Weird Tales," November 1931) ~m leap~

They say foul beings of Old Times still lurk In dark forgotten corners of the
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nameless shapes may even now lurk in the dark places of the world?

Voting negative is a ballot to retell the aff as a horror story – weirdly horrific fiction is a form of narration that attempts to respond to harm by understanding the compounding duality of fear and fascination – the narrative of the 1ac clings to ordinary external events and presents opportunities for progress and resolution of harms – their story is dominated by an idealistic materialism and optimism that either captures and distorts or destroys any literary recognition of horror – our alternative method of narration through horror story rejects the optimistic humanist elements of the aff story in order to recognize the inevitable dread of human knowledge in its attempt to understand the mystery of the unknown and unpredictable – the supernatural condition of horror is primordial and must be accepted.

Lovecraft ’27 (H.P. Lovecraft, "Supernatural Horror In Literature," 1927, pg 1-3) ~m leap~

THE OLDEST and strongest emotion of mankind is fear, and the oldest and strongest
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globe in unholy dimensions which only the dead and the moonstruck can glimpse. 

Case

Their calls to alleviate sufferingof the Cuban people are nothing more than us vampirically draining the life out of the victims, commodifying their pain for the ballot.
Baudrillard 96 (Jean Baudrillard The Perfect Crime, 1996, pg 133 – 137, CP)
Our reality: that is the problem. We have only one, and it
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aware of what we are doing — from evil, never from misfortune. 

It is only the attempt to know the other from the self that creates a dualism and the condition for oppression.
Baudrillard 1993 (Jean, Transparency of Evil, pg. 127-129)
These days everything is described in terms of difference, but otherness is not the
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confined to reservations. These are the vicissitudes of a logic of difference.

The fetish of play with the other and its well being only reconstructs the other as exhaustible object bringing on its mutilation.
Baudrillard 1993 (Jean, Transparency of Evil, pg. 124-126)

So what became of otherness? We are engaged in an orgy of discovery,
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one and the same: all otherness has been confiscated by the machine. 

Lifting sanctions means agribusiness has a free hand to destroy Cuba’s ag model – maintaining sanctions are vital to resisting ag neoliberalism

Gonzalez, 4 - Associate Professor, Seattle University School of Law (Carmen, "WHITHER GOES CUBA? PROSPECTS FOR ECONOMIC 26 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT PART II OF II: Trade Liberalization, Food Security, and the Environment: The Neoliberal Threat to Sustainable Rural Development" 14 Transnat’l L. 26 Contemp. Probs. 419, lexis)

The greatest challenge to Cuba’s unique agricultural experiment is the eventual renewal of trade relations
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the Special Period in ways that diverged radically from the prevailing neoliberal model.
One of the most significant decisions that Cuba will face after the lifting of the
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normalize relations with external creditors and to obtain badly needed infusions of capital.
Debt relief, however, will come at a very high price. Cuba,
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, like Argentina, would become a major cultivator of genetically modified crops.
Based on the track record of the neoliberal model in the developing world, it
AND
political and economic interests) by shutting Cuba out of lucrative EU markets.
The neoliberal model would also jeopardize food security at the household level by fueling rural
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farms), and transfer-based entitlements (state subsidies and food aid).
Neoliberal economic reforms may also jeopardize Cuba’s experiment in sustainable agriculture. Export production tends
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pest and other beneficial insects) and by producing ecosystem-wide disturbances.
In short, Cuba’s adoption of neoliberal economic reforms threatens to recreate colonial and post
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. The prospects for food security and ecological sustainability under neoliberalism are grim.
D. Summary and Conclusion: The Symbolic Significance of Cuba
The saga of Cuban agriculture illustrates the ways in which developing countries are structurally disadvantaged
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domestic food production, and promote organic and semi-organic farming techniques.
Cuba is symbolically important because it demonstrates that there is an alternative to the dominant
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and ecological sustainability, and to explore alternative strategies for sustainable rural development.

Tournament: GBX | Round: 3 | Opponent: CPS FP | Judge: Laila McClain

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The 1ac’s justified with moralizing politics that distances us from responsibility

Bauman, 95-
 (Zygmunt, Professor of sociology at the University of Leeds, Life in fragments. Essays in postmodern Moralities, 1995)
In effect, the focus of moral concerns has been shifted from the self-
AND
from among many, each of which ports expert endorsement and/or the

That’s cause inevitable violence and prevents us from embracing ethics

Bauman, 95-
 (Zygmunt, Professor of sociology at the University of Leeds, Life in fragments. Essays in postmodern Moralities, 1995)
(Reject the gendered language)
Such conditions—conditions without which there would be no camps and no genocide,
AND
, a contraption to the float responsibility—most conspicuously, moral responsibility.  

Alt: Reject the aff’s justification of moral assistance —- individualism is the best way to solve

Bauman, 95-
 (Zygmunt, Professor of sociology at the University of Leeds, Life in fragments. Essays in postmodern Moralities, 1995)
One modern possible interpretation of what is happening is that post-modernity preserves the precious gain of modernity—the ’unencumbered’ autonomy of the actor—while simultaneously removing the price tag and  the strings that modernity attacked to it. Now, at long last, you may eat your cake and have it too. (Or, rather, as cakes tend to get stale and unappetizing faster than before—you may eat your cake and recycle it .) Post modernity (or, more appropriately still in this context, ’late modernity’), one hears time and again, is the ultimate crowing of the modern dream of freedom and of the long and tortuous effort to make the dream come true. So let us celebrate the world unencumbered by imagined obligations and fake duties. With universal principles and absolute truths dissipated or kicked out of fashion, it does not matter much anymore what personal principles and private truth one embraces (the embrace must be never tight anyway) and follows (the following need not be too loyal and committed, to be sure). Does it or does it not matter?—this is the question. And it remains a question—perhaps the crucial, constitutive question of postmodern (late modern) life. One might say with considerable conviction that precisely the opposite to the postmodernist account of post modernity is the case; that the demise of the power-assisted universals and absolutes has made the responsibilities of the actor more profound and, indeed, more consequential, than ever before. One might say with still greater conviction, that, between the demise of universal absolutes and absolute universals on the other hand and ’everything goes’ license on the other. One would rather say that it is precisely because of the demise of the allegedly unified and ostensibly unique ethical code, that the ’regulative idea’ of moral responsibility may rise into full flight. Choices between good and evil are still to be made, this time, however, in full daylight, and with full knowledge that a choice has been made. With the smokescreen of centralized legislation dispersed and the power-of-attorney returned to the signatory, the choice is blatantly left to the moral person’s own devices. With choice comes responsibility. And if choice is inevitable, responsibility is unavoidable. Will this new condition make us do good things more often than before and evil things less often? Will it make better beings? Neither a "yes" nor a "no" answer can be responsibly given to those questions. As always, the moral situation is one of inherent ambivalence and would not be moral without a choice between good and vil. What this new condition does spell out, however, is the prospect of a greater awareness of the moral character of our choice, and seeing their moral content more clearly. 

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economic engagement means using exclusively economic contacts like trade, loans and grants

Resnik, 1 – Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yeshiva University (Evan, Journal of International Affairs, "Defining Engagement" v54, n2, political science complete)

A REFINED DEFINITION OF ENGAGEMENT
In order to establish a more effective framework for dealing with unsavory regimes, I propose that we define engagement as the attempt to influence the political behavior of a target state through the comprehensive establishment and enhancement of contacts with that state across multiple issue-areas (i.e. diplomatic, military, economic, cultural). The following is a brief list of the specific forms that such contacts might include:
DIPLOMATIC CONTACTS
Extension of diplomatic recognition; normalization of diplomatic relations
Promotion of target-state membership in international institutions and regimes
Summit meetings and other visits by the head of state and other senior government officials of sender state to target state and vice-versa
MILITARY CONTACTS
Visits of senior military officials of the sender state to the target state and vice-versa
Arms transfers
Military aid and cooperation
Military exchange and training programs
Confidence and security-building measures
Intelligence sharing
ECONOMIC CONTACTS
Trade agreements and promotion
Foreign economic and humanitarian aid in the form of loans and/or grants
CULTURAL CONTACTS
Cultural treaties
Inauguration of travel and tourism links
Sport, artistic and academic exchanges(n25)
Engagement is an iterated process in which the sender and target state develop a relationship
AND
hope that this will precipitate political change from below within the target state.
This definition implies that three necessary conditions must hold for engagement to constitute an effective foreign policy instrument. First, the overall magnitude of contacts between the sender and target states must initially be low. If two states are already bound by dense contacts in multiple domains (i.e., are already in a highly interdependent relationship), engagement loses its impact as an effective policy tool. Hence, one could not reasonably invoke the possibility of the US engaging Canada or Japan in order to effect a change in either country’s political behavior. Second, the material or prestige needs of the target state must be significant, as engagement derives its power from the promise that it can fulfill those needs. The greater the needs of the target state, the more amenable to engagement it is likely to be. For example, North Korea’s receptivity to engagement by the US dramatically increased in the wake of the demise of its chief patron, the Soviet Union, and the near-total collapse of its national economy.(n28)
Third, the target state must perceive the engager and the international order it represents as a potential source of the material or prestige resources it desires. This means that autarkic, revolutionary and unlimited regimes which eschew the norms and institutions of the prevailing order, such as Stalin’s Soviet Union or Hitler’s Germany, will not be seduced by the potential benefits of engagement.
This reformulated conceptualization avoids the pitfalls of prevailing scholarly conceptions of engagement. It considers the policy as a set of means rather than ends, does not delimit the types of states that can either engage or be engaged, explicitly encompasses contacts in multiple issue-areas, allows for the existence of multiple objectives in any given instance of engagement and, as will be shown below, permits the elucidation of multiple types of positive sanctions.

The plan has to be government-to-government – not private economic engagement

Daga, 13 - director of research at Politicas Publicas para la Libertad, in Bolivia, and a visiting senior policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation (Sergio, "Economics of the 2013-2014 Debate Topic:
U.S. Economic Engagement Toward Cuba, Mexico or Venezuela", National Center for Policy Analysis, 5/15, http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf-http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf)

Economic engagement between or among countries can take many forms, but this document will
AND
some issues are more important with respect to some countries than to others.

Violation- they are the unilateral change in diplomatic status

1.  limits – a government limit is the only way to keep the topic manageable – otherwise they could use any 3^rd party intermediary, lift barriers to private engagement, or target civil society – blurring the lines between economic and other forms of engagement makes any positive interaction with another country topical

2. negative ground – formal governmental channels are key to predictable relations disads and counterplans that test ’engagement’– the economic limit is vital to critiques of economics, trade disads, and non-economic counterplans

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We now live in a world of simulation—the political is dead and with it goes its ideas. The game has fundamentally changed: policy elites manipulate us with dead, simulated power. In this way, liberal-democratic fascism uses consumerism and propaganda to complete the masking of oppression and the fabrication of image-capitalism.
Hegarty 04 (Paul Hegarty 2004 7/30 Jean Baudrillard: Live Theory P. 91-93 MRL)

The era of simulation, or hyperreality, brings serious changes in the world of
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and ceremonial edifice of former societies’ (p. 65;69). 

The affirmatives simulation games represent the worst form of the new political world. The political has failed and democracy is dead. The global system and the elites drive every event we see yet we feel empowered when we believe we have influence. The desire to be intertwined with the national system by simulating disasters is only dis-empowering participation in the imperialism of hyper-reality.
Baudrillard 94 (Jean Baudrillard 1994 Simulacra and Simulation p. 12-13 MRL)
If once we were able to view the Borges fable in which the cartographers of the Empire draw up a map so detailed that it ends up covering the territory exactly (the decline of the Empire witnesses the fraying of this map, little by little, and its fall into ruins, though some shreds are still discernible in the deserts - the metaphysical beauty of this ruined abstraction testifying to a pride equal to the Empire and rotting like a carcass, returning to the substance of the soil, a bit as the double ends by being confused with the real through aging) - as the most beautiful allegory of simulation, this fable has now come full circle for us, and possesses nothing but the discrete charm of second-order simulacra.*1 Today abstraction is no longer that of the map, the double, the mirror, or the concept. Simulation is no longer that of a territory, a referential being, or a substance. It is the generation by models of a real without origin or reality: a hyperreal. The territory no longer precedes the map, nor does it survive it. It is nevertheless the map that precedes the territory - precession of simulacra - that engenders the territory, and if one must return to the fable, today it is the territory whose shreds slowly rot across the extent of the map. It is the real, and not the map, whose vestiges persist here and there in the deserts that are no longer those of the Empire, but ours. The desert of the real itself. In fact, even inverted, Borges’s fable is unusable. Only the allegory of the Empire, perhaps, remains. Because it is with this same imperialism that present-day simulators attempt to make the real, all of the real, coincide with their models of simulation. But it is no longer a question of either maps or territories. Something has disappeared: the sovereign difference, between one and the other, that constituted the charm of abstraction. Because it is difference that constitutes the poetry of the map and the charm of the territory, the magic of the concept and the charm of the real. This imaginary of representation, which simultaneously culminates in and is engulfed by the cartographers mad project of the ideal coextensivity of map and territory, disappears in the simulation whose operation is nuclear and genetic, no longer at all specular or discursive. It is all of metaphysics that is lost. No more mirror of being and appearances, of the real and its concept. No more imaginary coextensivity: it is genetic miniaturization that is the dimension of simulation. The real is produced from miniaturized cells, matrices, and memory banks, models of control - and it can be reproduced an indefinite number of times from these. It no longer needs to be rational, because it no longer measures itself against either an ideal or negative instance. It is no longer anything but operational. In fact, it is no longer really the real, because no imaginary envelops it anymore. It is a hyperreal, produced from a radiating synthesis of combinatory models in a hyperspace without atmosphere. 

Debate is Disneyland—the ridiculous simulation games we play naturalize nuclear policy-making
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imperative today is precisely the overproduction and regeneration of meaning and of speech.

Case

Calls to alleviate suffering are nothing more than us vampirically draining the life out of the victims, commodifying their pain for the ballot

Baudrillard 96 (Jean Baudrillard The Perfect Crime, 1996, pg 133 – 137, CP)
Our reality: that is the problem. We have only one, and it has to be saved. `We have to do something. We can’t do nothing.’ But doing something solely because you can’t not do something has never constituted a principle of action or freedom. Just a form of absolution from one’s own impotence and compassion for one’s own fate. The people of Sarajevo do not have to face this question. Where they are, there is an absolute need to do what they do, to do what has to be done. Without illusion as to ends and without compassion towards themselves. That is what being real means, being in the real. And this is not at all the `objective’ reality of their misfortune, that reality which `ought not to exist’ and for which we feel pity, but the reality which exists as it is — the reality of an action and a destiny. This is why they are alive, and we are the ones who are dead. This is why, in our own eyes, we have first and foremost to save the reality of the war and impose that — compassionate — reality on those who are suffering from it but who, at the very heart of war and distress, do not really believe in it. To judge by their own statements, the Bosnians do not really believe in the distress which surrounds them. In — 134 -the end, they find the whole unreal situation senseless, unintelligible. It is a hell, but an almost hyperreal hell, made the more hyperreal by media and humanitarian harassment, since that makes the attitude of the whole world towards them all the more incomprehensible. Thus, they live in a kind of spectrality of war — and it is a good thing they do, or they could never bear it. But we know better than they do what reality is, because we have chosen them to embody it. Or simply because it is what we — and the whole of the West — most lack. We have to go and retrieve a reality for ourselves where the bleeding is. All these `corridors’ we open up to send them our supplies and our `culture’ are, in reality, corridors of distress through which we import their force and the energy of their misfortune. Unequal exchange once again. Whereas they find a kind of additional strength in the thorough stripping-away of the illusions of reality and of our political principles — the strength to survive what has no meaning — we go to convince them of the `reality’ of their suffering — by culturalizing it, of course, by theatricalizing it so that it can serve as a point of reference in the theatre of Western values, one of which is solidarity. This all exemplifies a situation which has now become general, in which inoffensive and impotent intellectuals exchange their woes for those of the wretched, each supporting the other in a kind of perverse contract — exactly as the political class and civil society exchange their respective woes today, the one serving up its corruption and scandals, the other its artificial convulsions and inertia. Thus we saw Bourdieu and the Abbé Pierre offering themselves up in televisual sacrifice, exchanging between them the pathos-laden language and sociological metalanguage of wretchedness. And so, also, our whole society is embarking on the path of commiseration in the literal sense, under cover of ecumenical pathos. It is almost as though, in a moment of intense repentance among intellectuals and politicians, related to the panic-stricken state of history and the twilight of values, we had to replenish the stocks of values, the referential reserves, by appealing to that lowest — 135 -common denominator that is human misery, as though we had to restock the hunting grounds with artificial game. A victim society. I suppose all it is doing is expressing its own disappointment and remorse at the impossibility of perpetrating violence upon itself. The New Intellectual Order everywhere follows the paths opened up by the New World Order. The misfortune, wretchedness and suffering of others have every— where become the raw material and the primal scene. Victimhood, accompanied by Human Rights as its sole funerary ideology. Those who do not exploit it directly and in their own name do so by proxy. There is no lack of middlemen, who take their financial or symbolic cut in the process. Deficit and misfortune, like the international debt, are traded and sold on in the speculative market — in this case the politico- intellectual market, which is quite the equal of the late, unlamented military—industrial complex. Now, all commiseration is part of the logic of misfortune ~malheur~. To refer to misfortune, if only to combat it, is to give it a base for its objective reproduction in perpetuity. When fighting anything whatever, we have to start out — fully aware of what we are doing — from evil, never from misfortune. 

The state form is a way of seeing based on constructing fixed representations—causes despotic signification, overcoding, and machinic enslavement—operates as a borg-like megamachine that assimilates and vertically subordinates horizontal social networks—this causes all conflict and blocks subject-formation—simply learning how to be outside the state-form is a victory in and of itself.

Robinson ’11 (Andrew Robinson, political theorist and author, "In Theory Why Deleuze (still) matters: States, war-machines and radical transformation," Ceasefire Magazine, June 6, 2011, http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/features/ideas/in-theory-deleuze-war-machine/-http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/features/ideas/in-theory-deleuze-war-machine/) ~M Leap~
In this article, I have chosen to concentrate on the conceptual pairing of states and war-machines as a way of understanding the differences between autonomous social networks and hierarchical, repressive formations. Deleuze and Guattari view the ’state’ as a particular kind of institutional regime derived from a set of social relations which can be traced to a way of seeing focused on the construction of fixities and representation. There is thus a basic form of the state (a "state-form") in spite of the differences among specific states. Since Deleuze and Guattari’s theory is primarily relational and processual, the state exists primarily as a process rather than a thing. The state-form is defined by the processes or practices of ’overcoding’, ’despotic signification’ and ’machinic enslavement’. These attributes can be explained one at a time. The concept of despotic signification, derived from Lacan’s idea of the master-signifier, suggests that, in statist thought, a particular signifier is elevated to the status of standing for the whole, and the other of this signifier (remembering that signification is necessarily differential) is defined as radically excluded. ’Overcoding’ consists in the imposition of the regime of meanings arising from this fixing of representations on the various processes through which social life and desire operate. In contrast to the deep penetration which occurs in capitalism, states often do this fairly lightly, but with brutality around the edges. Hence for instance, in historical despotic states, the inclusion of peripheral areas only required their symbolic subordination, and not any real impact on everyday life in these areas. Overcoding also, however, entails the destruction of anything which cannot be represented or encoded. ’Machinic enslavement’ occurs when assembled groups of social relations and desires, known in Deleuzian theory as ’machines’, are rendered subordinate to the regulatory function of the despotic signifier and hence incorporated in an overarching totality. This process identifies Deleuze and Guattari’s view of the state-form with Mumford’s idea of the megamachine, with the state operating as a kind of absorbing and enclosing totality, a bit like the Borg in Star Trek, eating up and assimilating the social networks with which it comes into contact. Crucially, while these relations it absorbs often start out as horizontal, or as hierarchical only at a local level, their absorption rearranges them as vertical and hierarchical aggregates. It tends to destroy or reduce the intensity of horizontal connections, instead increasing the intensity of vertical subordination. Take, for instance, the formation of the colonial state in Africa: loose social identities were rigidly reclassified as exclusive ethnicities, and these ethnicities were arranged in hierarchies (for instance, Tutsi as superior to Hutu) in ways which created rigid boundaries and oppressive relations culminating in today’s conflicts. According to this theory of the state-form, states are at once ’isomorphic’, sharing a basic structure and function, and heterogeneous, differing in how they express this structure. In particular, states vary in terms of the relative balance between ’adding’ and ’subtracting axioms’ (capitalism is also seen as performing these two operations). An axiom here refers to the inclusion of a particular group or social logic or set of desires as something recognised by a state: examples of addition of axioms would be the recognition of minority rights (e.g. gay rights), the recognition and systematic inclusion of minority groups in formal multiculturalism (e.g. Indian ’scheduled castes’), the creation of niche markets for particular groups (e.g. ’ethnic food’ sections in supermarkets), and the provision of inclusive services (e.g. support for independent living for people with disabilities). It is most marked in social-democratic kinds of states. The subtraction of axioms consists in the encoding of differences as problems to be suppressed, for example in the classification of differences as crimes, the institutionalisation of unwanted minorities (e.g. ’sectioning’ people who are psychologically different), or the restriction of services to members of an in-group (excluding ’disruptive’ children, denying council housing to migrants). This process reaches its culmination in totalitarian states. It is important to realise that in both cases, the state is expressing the logic of the state-form, finding ways to encode and represent differences; but that the effects of the two strategies on the freedom and social power of marginalised groups are very different. The state is also viewed as a force of ’antiproduction’. This term is defined against the ’productive’ or creative power Deleuze and Guattari believe resides in processes of desiring-production (the process through which desires are formed and connected to objects or others) and social production (the process of constructing social ’assemblages’ or networks). Desiring-production tends to proliferate differences, because desire operates through fluxes and breaks, overflowing particular boundaries. The state as machine of antiproduction operates to restrict, prevent or channel these flows of creative energy so as to preserve fixed social forms and restrict the extent of difference which is able to exist, or the connections it is able to form. Hence, states try to restrict and break down the coming-together of social networks by prohibiting or making difficult the formation of hierarchical assemblages; it operates to block ’subject-formation’ in terms of social groups, or the emergence of subjectivities which are not already encoded in dominant terms. Take for instance the laws on ’dispersal’, in which the British state allows police to break up groups (often of young people) congregating in public spaces. Absurdly, the state defines the social act of coming-together as anti-social, because it creates a space in which different kinds of social relations can be formed. The state wishes to have a monopoly on how people interrelate, and so acts to prevent people from associating horizontally. Another example of antiproduction is the way that participation in imposed activities such as the requirement to work and the unpaid reproductive labour involved in families, leaves little time for other kinds of relationships – people don’t have time to form other assemblages either with other people or with other objects of desire. Hakim Bey has argued that this pressure to restrict connections is so strong that simply finding time and space for other forms of belonging – regardless of the goal of these other connections – is already a victory against the system.

The system has passed the threshold into inverted totalitarianism and debating about what to do cannot create change anything – the political sphere the aff is concerned with has already been bought and sold by multinational corporations and their engagement can’t help an illiterate and media saturated public – there’s only a risk of our links – contributing to the simulation of politics destroys meaning and propels us toward self-annihilation

Hedges ’9 – ~Thom interviews Chris Hedges (fifteen years as a war correspondent for the New York Times, author, senior fellow at The Nation Institute in New York City, Pulitzer Prize winning journalist, received the Amnesty International Global Award for Human Rights Journalism, taught at Columbia University, New York University and Princeton University, and is currently the F. Ross Johnson-Connaught Distinguished Visitor in American Studies at the Centre for the Study of the United States at The University of Toronto) about his book "Empire of Illusion", 21 July 2009, Transcribed by Suzanne Roberts, Portland Psychology Clinic, http://www.thomhartmann.com/blog/2009/07/transcript-chris-hedges-empire-illusion-21-july-2009~~ MRL

Thom: So great to have you here. In synopsis you paint a rather
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ideal but the actual levers of power are driven by very destructive forces.

The aff paints a picture of a perfect fantasy and utopia without violence —- it creates a scapegoat to be exterminated

Stavrakakis 99 (Yannis, Lacan and the Political, Visiting Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex, pages  99-100).
Our age is clearly an age of social fragmentation, political disenchantment and open cynicism characterised by the decline of the political mutations of modern universalism—a universalism that, by replacing God with Reason, reoccupied the ground of a pre-modern aspiration to fully represent and master the essence and the totality of the real. On the political level this universalist fantasy took the form of a series of utopian constructions of a reconciled future society. The fragmentation of our present social terrain and cultural milieu entails the collapse of such grandiose fantasies.1 Today, talk about utopia is usually characterised by a certain ambiguity. For some, of course, utopian constructions are still seen as positive results of human creativity in the socio- political sphere: ’utopia is the expression of a desire for a better way of being’ (Levitas, 1990:8). Other, more suspicious views, such as the one expressed in Marie Berneri’s book Journey through Utopia, warn—taking into account experiences like the Second World War—of the dangers entailed in trusting the idea of a perfect, ordered and regimented world. For some, instead of being ’how can we realise our utopias?’, the crucial question has become ’how can we prevent their final realisation?.... ~How can~ we return to a non-utopian society, less perfect and more free’ (Berdiaev in Berneri, 1971:309).2 It is particularly the political experience of these last decades that led to the dislocation of utopian sensibilities and brought to the fore a novel appreciation of human finitude, together with a growing suspicion of all grandiose political projects and the meta-narratives traditionally associated with them (Whitebook, 1995:75). All these developments, that is to say the crisis of the utopian imaginary, seem however to leave politics without its prime motivating force: the politics of today is a politics of aporia. In our current political terrain, hope seems to be replaced by pessimism or even resignation. This is a result of the crisis in the dominant modality of our political imagination (meaning utopianism in its various forms) and of our inability to resolve this crisis in a productive way.3 In this chapter, I will try to show that Lacanian theory provides new angles through which we can reflect on our historical experience of utopia and reorient our political imagination beyond its suffocating strait-jacket. Let’s start our exploration with the most elementary of questions: what is the meaning of the current crisis of utopia? And is this crisis a development to be regretted or cherished?
In order to answer these questions it is crucial to enumerate the conditions of possibility and the basic characteristics of utopian thinking. First of all it seems that the need for utopian meaning arises in periods of increased uncertainty, social instability and conflict, when the element of the political subverts the fantasmatic stability of our political reality. Utopias are generated by the surfacing of grave antagonisms and dislocations in the social field. As Tillich has put it ’all utopias strive to negate the negative...in human existence; it is the negative in that existence which makes the idea of utopia necessary’ (Tillich in Levitas, 1990:103). Utopia then is one of the possible responses to the ever-present negativity, to the real antagonism which is constitutive of human experience. Furthermore, from the time of More’s Utopia (1516) it is conceived as an answer to the negativity inherent in concrete political antagonism. What is, however, the exact nature of this response? Utopias are images of future human communities in which these antagonisms and the dislocations fuelling them (the element of the political) will be forever resolved, leading to a reconciled and harmonious world—it is not a coincidence that, among others, Fourier names his utopian community ’Harmony’ and that the name of the Owenite utopian community in the New World was ’New Harmony’. As Marin has put it, utopia sets in view an imaginary resolution to social contradiction; it is a simulacrum of synthesis which dissimulates social antagonism by projecting it onto a screen representing a harmonious and immobile equilibrium (Marin, 1984:61). This final resolution is the essence of the utopian promise.
What I will try to do in this chapter is, first of all, to demonstrate the deeply problematic nature of utopian politics. Simply put, my argument will be that every utopian fantasy construction needs a ’scapegoat’ in order to constitute itself—the Nazi utopian fantasy and the production of the ’Jew’ is a good example, especially as pointed out in Žižek’s analysis.4 Every utopian fantasy produces its reverse and calls for its elimination. Put another way, the beatific side of fantasy is coupled in utopian constructions with a horrific side, a paranoid need for a stigmatised scapegoat. The naivety—and also the danger—of utopian structures is revealed when the realisation of this fantasy is attempted. It is then that we are brought close to the frightening kernel of the real: stigmatisation is followed by extermination. This is not an accident. It is inscribed in the structure of utopian constructions; it seems to be the way all fantasy constructions work. If in almost all utopian visions, violence and antagonism are eliminated, if utopia is based on the expulsion and repression of violence (this is its beatific side) this is only because it owes its own creation to violence; it is sustained and fed by violence (this is its horrific side). This repressed moment of violence resurfaces, as Marin points out, in the difference inscribed in the name utopia itself (Marin, 1984:110). What we shall argue is that it also resurfaces in the production of the figure of an enemy. To use a phrase enunciated by the utopianist Fourier, what is ’driven out through the door comes back through the window’ (is not this a ’precursor’ of Lacan’s dictum that ’what is foreclosed in the symbolic reappears in the real’?—VII:131).5 The work of Norman Cohn and other historians permits the articulation of a genealogy of this manichean, equivalential way of understanding the world, from the great witch-hunt up to modern anti-Semitism, and Lacanian theory can provide valuable insights into any attempt to understand the logic behind this utopian operation—here the approach to fantasy developed in Chapter 2 will further demonstrate its potential in analysing our political experience. In fact, from the time of his unpublished seminar on The Formations of the Unconscious, Lacan identified the utopian dream of a perfectly functioning society as a highly problematic area (seminar of 18 June 1958).

Tournament: GBX | Round: 5 | Opponent: Carrolton GR | Judge: Scott Phillips

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Our lives exist perpetually in the middle – subjects in the middle of becoming objects
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the ego and the body, preventing any lines of flight or becoming.
Mark ’98 (John, Gilles Deleuze: Vitalism and Multiplicity, p. 29-33)

It’s organisms that die, not life. Any work of art points a way
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pass, becomings evolve, revolutions take shape. (N,45) 

The tautological rationality of viviocentrism – that is life-centeredness – is a noble lie, a binary logic of natural mastery that justifies racism, sexism, and anthropocentrism. Opening our minds to death allows a transcendence of the tyranny of life and creates the conditions for the ultimate erosion of all borders and conceptions of the natural – put the burden on them to justify physical existence as a roll for the ballot
Mitchell Heisman (The opposite of a bullshitter, suicide practitioner, 26 University at Albany bachelor’s degree in psychology) 2010 ~Suicide Note, online @ http://www.suicidenote.info/, loghry~

There is a very popular opinion that choosing life is inherently superior to choosing death
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free to acknowledge that reason itself does not dictate a bias towards life. 

No impact to death – the neg alters impact uniqueness by bringing us closest to the beating heart of reality through biosphere interconnectedness – being alive is independent of our bodies and everything is a current of consciousness
Lanza, 11 professor at Wake Forest, 11/26/11 – considered one of the leading cell scientists in the world. He is currently Chief Scientific Officer at Advanced Cell Technology, and a professor at Wake Forest University School of Medicine (Robert, Why Do You Exist?, http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/biocentrism/201111/why-do-you-exist

We’re more than we’ve been taught in biology class. We’re not just a collection
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sings because it has a song. The meaning is in the lyrics. 

Death is an illusion – constraining ourselves to the physical body is bad – it erases the transcendent encounter with beauty and infinite bliss that our alternative creates
Lanza, 11 professor at Wake Forest, 11/19/11 – considered one of the leading cell scientists in the world. He is currently Chief Scientific Officer at Advanced Cell Technology, and a professor at Wake Forest University School of Medicine (Robert, Is Death an Illusion? Evidence Suggests Death Isn’t the End, http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/biocentrism/201111/is-death-illusion-evidence-suggests-death-isn-t-the-end)

New evidence continues to suggest that Einstein was right, death is an illusion.
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it’s like a perennial flower that returns to bloom in the multiverse. 

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The plan has to be government-to-government – not private economic engagement

Daga, 13 - director of research at Politicas Publicas para la Libertad, in Bolivia, and a visiting senior policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation (Sergio, "Economics of the 2013-2014 Debate Topic:
U.S. Economic Engagement Toward Cuba, Mexico or Venezuela", National Center for Policy Analysis, 5/15, http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf-http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf)

Economic engagement between or among countries can take many forms, but this document will
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some issues are more important with respect to some countries than to others.

Engagement is exclusively bilateral policies

Kane, 8 – US Marine Corps Major, thesis SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF OPERATIONAL STUDIES for the USMC School of Advanced Warfighting (Brian, "Comprehensive Engagement: A Winning Strategy " http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA504901-http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA504901) NSS = National Security Strategy

Engagement strategies are not new. Since the end of the Cold War, engagement strategy has been called "comprehensive containment, conditional containment, conditional engagement, limited engagement, quid pro quo engagement, congagement, unconditional engagement, and comprehensive engagement."8 As a result, engagement strategy represents a "conceptual fog" in today’s environment.9
 However, the Clinton Administration attempted to dissipate this fog with the first post-Cold War, multi-faceted definition proposed in its NSS, which stated that engagement strategy is:
(1) a broad based grand strategic orientation;
 (2) a specific approach to managing bilateral relations with a target state through the
 unconditional provision of continuous concessions to that state;
 (3) a bilateral policy characterized by the conditional provision of concessions to a state;
 (4) a bilateral policy characterized by the broadening of contacts in areas of mutual interest
 with a target state; and
 (5) a bilateral policy characterized by the provision of technical assistance to facilitate
 economic and political liberalization in a target state.10
This definition of engagement has been the most successful historically.11

Its’ is a possessive pronoun showing ownership

Glossary of English Grammar Terms, 2005  
(http://www.usingenglish.com/glossary/possessive-pronoun.html)

Mine, yours, his, hers, its, ours, theirs are the possessive pronouns used to substitute a noun and to show possession or ownership.
EG. This is your disk and that’s mine. (Mine substitutes the word disk and shows that it belongs to me.)

B. Violation – the plan merely removes barriers to private sector economic engagement

C. Voting issue –

1.  limits – a government limit is the only way to keep the topic manageable – otherwise they could use any 3^rd party intermediary, lift barriers to private engagement, or target civil society – it makes topic preparation impossible

2. negative ground – formal governmental channels are key to predictable relations disads and counterplans that test ’engagement’

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Notions of preserving some sort of future for our species valorize reproductive, heterogenital sex, while subordinating queer sex to nothing more than "meaningless acrobatics." This impregnates heterosexuality with the future of signification, necessitating violence against queerness.

Edelman 2004 (Lee Edelman, Prof. English at Tufts University, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," 2004, pp. 11-13) ~nagel~
So, for example, when P. D. James, in her novel
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incised by the signifier, that "meaning," despite itself, means.
?

Queerness can never be the site of a positive political project, since that is the foundation of reproductive futurism’s call for survival that justifies untold brutality and endless violence – the queer becomes socially placed as the nonhuman Other

Fontenot 2006 (Andrea, Professor at UC-Santa Barbara, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive (review)". Modern Fiction Studies. 52:1. (Spring) 2006. pp. 254-255) ~nagel~ We disagree with the gendered language used.
Edelman is careful, however, to remind us that by responding to his call
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to situate "his ethical register outside the recognizably human" (101).

Our alternative is queer unintelligibility: This is an enforced invisibility that resists the catachresis of the Symbolic that imposes identity on lack in a neurotic attempt to map out the blind spots in the social order.

Edelman 2004 (Lee Edelman, Prof. English at Tufts University, "No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive," 2004, pp. 106-109) ~nagel~
And since nothing is ever less "aberrant, ~or~ unprecedented" than
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which everything "human," to have one, must turn its face.

Ex Im

Ecological preservation only serves to overwrite the chaos and complexity that is the natural world, resulting in the denial of value to existence
Baudrillard, 94 (Jean, The Illusion of the End, 1994, CP)
Such a very American hallucination this ocean, this savannah, this desert, this
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if it rescues us from a scientific euphoria sustained by drip-feed. 

Mexico

The abolition of negativity is a plastic surgery of the political in which there is no value, destiny, or mystery, whitewashing violence
Baudrillard, 09 (Jean, The Transparency of Evil, 2009, CP)
The uncertainty to which we are subject results, paradoxically, from an excess of
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. To this end a gigantic campaign of plastic surgery has been undertaken.

Tournament: Alta | Round: Finals | Opponent: CPS GA | Judge: Odekirk, Copenhaver, Velto
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Bereft of values, our society demands images of suffering from others to replenish our moral sentiment.  We exchange our pity for their pain, in a process that guarantees the suffering must continue.
Baudrillard in 94 Jean, September 28, "No Reprieve For Sarejevo"
The problem lies indeed in the nature of our reality. We have got only
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no way undermining the military-industrial complex of old and sinister days. 

The multiculturalism is not a benevolent attempt to preserve the alterity of all indigenous populations, but rather a strategy of neocolonialism which reifies the fiction of the white subject, and the mantra of civilization and modernity. This strategy of multiculturalism is also the backdrop of all the current schemes of identity politics which are only extensions of white ontology and the system.
Baudrillard ’95 (Jean, “Simulacra and Simulation: The Precession of Simulacra”, pp. 7-12)
Ethnology brushed up against its paradoxical death in 1971, the day when the Philippine
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in the light of their model, like the faces in funeral homes.  

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economic engagement means using exclusively economic contacts like trade, loans and grants
Resnik, 1 – Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yeshiva University (Evan, Journal of International Affairs, “Defining Engagement” v54, n2, political science complete)

A REFINED DEFINITION OF ENGAGEMENT
In order to establish a more effective framework for dealing with unsavory regimes, I propose that we define engagement as the attempt to influence the political behavior of a target state through the comprehensive establishment and enhancement of contacts with that state across multiple issue-areas (i.e. diplomatic, military, economic, cultural). The following is a brief list of the specific forms that such contacts might include:
DIPLOMATIC CONTACTS
Extension of diplomatic recognition; normalization of diplomatic relations
Promotion of target-state membership in international institutions and regimes
Summit meetings and other visits by the head of state and other senior government officials of sender state to target state and vice-versa
MILITARY CONTACTS
Visits of senior military officials of the sender state to the target state and vice-versa
Arms transfers
Military aid and cooperation
Military exchange and training programs
Confidence and security-building measures
Intelligence sharing
ECONOMIC CONTACTS
Trade agreements and promotion
Foreign economic and humanitarian aid in the form of loans and/or grants
CULTURAL CONTACTS
Cultural treaties
Inauguration of travel and tourism links
Sport, artistic and academic exchanges(n25)
Engagement is an iterated process in which the sender and target state develop a relationship of increasing interdependence, culminating in the endpoint of "normalized relations" characterized by a high level of interactions across multiple domains. Engagement is a quintessential exchange relationship: the target state wants the prestige and material resources that would accrue to it from increased contacts with the sender state, while the sender state seeks to modify the domestic and/or foreign policy behavior of the target state. This deductive logic could adopt a number of different forms or strategies when deployed in practice.(n26) For instance, individual contacts can be established by the sender state at either a low or a high level of conditionality.(n27) Additionally, the sender state can achieve its objectives using engagement through any one of the following causal processes: by directly modifying the behavior of the target regime; by manipulating or reinforcing the target states' domestic balance of political power between competing factions that advocate divergent policies; or by shifting preferences at the grassroots level in the hope that this will precipitate political change from below within the target state.
This definition implies that three necessary conditions must hold for engagement to constitute an effective foreign policy instrument. First, the overall magnitude of contacts between the sender and target states must initially be low. If two states are already bound by dense contacts in multiple domains (i.e., are already in a highly interdependent relationship), engagement loses its impact as an effective policy tool. Hence, one could not reasonably invoke the possibility of the US engaging Canada or Japan in order to effect a change in either country's political behavior. Second, the material or prestige needs of the target state must be significant, as engagement derives its power from the promise that it can fulfill those needs. The greater the needs of the target state, the more amenable to engagement it is likely to be. For example, North Korea's receptivity to engagement by the US dramatically increased in the wake of the demise of its chief patron, the Soviet Union, and the near-total collapse of its national economy.(n28)
Third, the target state must perceive the engager and the international order it represents as a potential source of the material or prestige resources it desires. This means that autarkic, revolutionary and unlimited regimes which eschew the norms and institutions of the prevailing order, such as Stalin's Soviet Union or Hitler's Germany, will not be seduced by the potential benefits of engagement.
This reformulated conceptualization avoids the pitfalls of prevailing scholarly conceptions of engagement. It considers the policy as a set of means rather than ends, does not delimit the types of states that can either engage or be engaged, explicitly encompasses contacts in multiple issue-areas, allows for the existence of multiple objectives in any given instance of engagement and, as will be shown below, permits the elucidation of multiple types of positive sanctions.

Violation- they are the unilateral change in diplomatic status 

1.  limits – a government limit is the only way to keep the topic manageable – otherwise they could use any 3rd party intermediary, lift barriers to private engagement, or target civil society – blurring the lines between economic and other forms of engagement makes any positive interaction with another country topical- 

2. negative ground – formal governmental channels are key to predictable relations disads and counterplans that test ‘engagement’– the economic limit is vital to critiques of economics, trade disads, and non-economic counterplans
3. precision – it’s key to effective policy analysis
Resnik, 1 – Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yeshiva University (Evan, Journal of International Affairs, “Defining Engagement” v54, n2, political science complete)

In matters of national security, establishing a clear definition of terms is a precondition for effective policymaking. Decisionmakers who invoke critical terms in an erratic, ad hoc fashion risk alienating their constituencies. They also risk exacerbating misperceptions and hostility among those the policies target. Scholars who commit the same error undercut their ability to conduct valuable empirical research. Hence, if scholars and policymakers fail rigorously to define "engagement," they undermine the ability to build an effective foreign policy.
The refined definition I propose as a substitute for existing descriptions of engagement is different
AND
the information necessary to better manage the rogue states of the 21st century.

1nc
Not a single star will be left in the night.
The night will not be left.
I will die and, with me,
the weight of the intolerable universe.
I shall erase the pyramids, the medallions,
the continents and faces.
I shall erase the accumulated past.
I shall make dust of history, dust of dust.
Now I am looking on the final sunset.
I am hearing the last bird.
I bequeath nothingness to no one. 

1nc

We now live in a world of simulation—the political is dead and with it goes its ideas. The game has fundamentally changed: policy elites manipulate us with dead, simulated power. In this way, liberal-democratic fascism uses consumerism and propaganda to complete the masking of oppression and the fabrication of image-capitalism.
Hegarty 04 (Paul Hegarty 2004 7/30 Jean Baudrillard: Live Theory P. 91-93 MRL)

The era of simulation, or hyperreality, brings serious changes in the world of
AND
and ceremonial edifice of former societies' (p. 65;69). 

The affirmatives simulation games represent the worst form of the new political world. The political has failed and democracy is dead. The global system and the elites drive every event we see yet we feel empowered when we believe we have influence. The desire to be intertwined with the national system by simulating disasters is only dis-empowering participation in the imperialism of hyper-reality.
Baudrillard 94 (Jean Baudrillard 1994 Simulacra and Simulation p. 12-13 MRL)
If once we were able to view the Borges fable in which
AND
models in a hyperspace without atmosphere. 

We need to refuse the demand of constituting ourselves as subjects of the political. When the masses do nothing, we can be liberated.
Baudrillard, ‘81 (Jean, Simulacra and Simulation, p. 84-86 MRL)
With one caution. We are face to face with this system in a double
AND
today is precisely the overproduction and regeneration of meaning and of speech.

Case
The aff paints a picture of a perfect fantasy and utopia without violence --- it creates a scapegoat to be exterminated
Stavrakakis 99 (Yannis, Lacan and the Political, Visiting Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex, pages  99-100).
Our age is clearly an age of social fragmentation, political disenchantment and open cynicism
AND
functioning society as a highly problematic area (seminar of 18 June 1958).

The state form is a way of seeing based on constructing fixed representations—causes despotic signification, overcoding, and machinic enslavement—operates as a borg-like megamachine that assimilates and vertically subordinates horizontal social networks—this causes all conflict and blocks subject-formation—simply learning how to be outside the state-form is a victory in and of itself.
Robinson ’11 (Andrew Robinson, political theorist and author, “In Theory Why Deleuze (still) matters: States, war-machines and radical transformation,” Ceasefire Magazine, June 6, 2011, http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/features/ideas/in-theory-deleuze-war-machine/) M Leap
In this article, I have chosen to concentrate on the conceptual pairing of states
AND
goal of these other connections – is already a victory against the system.

Radical opposition to the system affirms its existence.  Opposing discourses allow the system to simulate its own death and delay its collapse.
Baudrillard 81 Jean, “Simulacra and Simulation” 1981, p. 18-19
Conjunction of the system and o
AND
nonexistence, of its already seen and of its already dead.

Their rhetoric of a political change is a strategy of neutralization which attempts to incorporate radical thought into the system of global power
Baudrillard, 95 (Jean, Simulacra and Simulation: The Implosion of Meaning in the Media, CP) 

Information devours its own content. It devours communication and the social. And for
AND
it is truly the catastrophe of meaning that lies in wait for us.

It is only the attempt to know the other from the self that creates a dualism and the condition for oppression.
Baudrillard 1993 (Jean, Transparency of Evil, pg. 127-129)
These days everything is described in terms of difference, but
AND
are the vicissitudes of a logic of difference.

The fetish of play with the other and its well being only reconstructs the other as exhaustible object bringing on its mutilation.
Baudrillard 1993 (Jean, Transparency of Evil, pg. 124-126)

So what became of otherness? We are engaged in an orgy of discovery,
AND
one and the same: all otherness has been confiscated by the machine.

Tournament: CPS RR | Round: 5 | Opponent: Pinecrest LM | Judge: Tallungan, Moczulski
1nc
The idea of producing a transcript of reality as from a position of observation and reportage constitutes knowledge on the basis of coloniality — the 1ac epistemology begins from the presupposition of centered colonial power — it’s not about the content, it’s about the location of the speaker and the enunciation of knowledge
Mignolo 2009 (Walter, Professor of Humanities at Duke, Theory, Culture, and Society 26.7/8, “Epistemic Disobedience, Independent Thought and De-Colonial Freedom”)

The introduction of geo-historical and bio-graphical configurations in processes of knowing
AND
and puts himself or herself in a privileged position to evaluate and dictate.

White men reading colonial poetry to “help” them is dominance failing to understand its own subject , a disembodied view with universal authority for assimilation. This excludes dominated subjects from decision making and demands that they conform to this their perspective- denying their own agency making atrocity inevitable and justified.
Coon 13 (Adam W. Coon, University of Texas at Austin, “Visceral Resistance to Coloniality and Generational Tension Among Contemporary Nahua Authors,” A Contra corriente: A journal on Social History and Literature in Latin America Vol. 10, No. 3, Spring 2013, 171-198, www.ncsu.edu/project/acontracorriente) RW

For this study, I use Javier Sanjinés’s theoretical analysis of viscerality and the embers
AND
gaze that reduces the indigenous subject to a nameless bulge with no agency.

Vote negative – de-linking begins by refusing to generate authority from Eurocentric intellectual and subjective positions — this means rejecting their authority to speak — genocide results from anything short of total epistemological de-linking from modernity and coloniality – de-linking epistemological privilege is a prior step to the Aff – first, we de-colonize our minds and, thus, break down the whole process of making and framing colonial reality
Mignolo ‘7 (Walter, semiologist and professor of Humanities at Duke University, “DELINKING: THE RHETORIC OF MODERNITY, THE LOGIC OF COLONIALITY AND THE GRAMMAR OF DE-COLONIALITY” http://www.ceapedi.com.ar/imagenes/biblioteca/libros/20.pdf)

If modernity is understood essentially as a European phenomenon, then the “emancipation”
AND
-logical to¶ the Ego-logical politics of knowledge and understanding.

1nc
The affirmative can only advocate for topical government action
Ericson 3 (Jon M., Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4)

The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each topic contains
AND
compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose.
First, a limited topic of discussion that provides for equitable ground is key to productive inculcation of decision-making and advocacy skills ---this still provides room for flexibility, creativity, and innovation, but targets the discussion to avoid mere statements of fact
Steinberg and Freeley 8 *Austin J. Freeley is a Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, AND David L. Steinberg , Lecturer of Communication Studies @ U Miami, Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making pp45-
Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of
AND
particular point of difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion.

Second, discussion of specific policy-questions is crucial for skills development---we control uniqueness: university students already have preconceived and ideological notions about how the world operates---government policy discussion is vital to force engagement with and resolution of competing perspectives
Esberg and Sagan 12 *Jane Esberg is special assistant to the director at New York University's Center on. International Cooperation. She was the winner of 2009 Firestone Medal, AND Scott Sagan is a professor of political science and director of Stanford's Center for International Security and Cooperation “NEGOTIATING NONPROLIFERATION: Scholarship, Pedagogy, and Nuclear Weapons Policy,” 2/17 The Nonproliferation Review, 19:1, 95-108
These government or quasi-government think tank simulations often provide very similar lessons for
AND
quickly; simulations teach students how to contextualize and act on information.14
Productive agonism requires limits to measure the performance of contestants---simply throwing out the topic destroys the agon and is founded in slave morality
Christa Davis Acampora 2, Professor of Philosophy at Hunter College of the City University of New York, Fall 2002, “Of Dangerous Games and Dastardly Deeds,” International Studies in Philosophy, Vol. 34, No. 3
The agonistic game is organized around the test of a specific quality the persons involved
AND
not only beyond good and evil but also beyond the cowardly and barbarous.

Effective deliberation is crucial to the activation of personal agency and is only possible in a switch-side debate format where debaters divorce themselves from ideology to engage in political contestation---this activation of agency is vital to preventing mass violence and genocide and overcoming politically debilitating self-obsession
Patricia Roberts-Miller 3 is Associate Professor of Rhetoric at the University of Texas "Fighting Without Hatred:Hannah Arendt ' s Agonistic Rhetoric" JAC 22.2 2003

Arendt is probably most famous for her analysis of totalitarianism (especially her The Origins
AND
but not relativist, adversarial but not violent, independent but not expressivist rhetoric

Tournament: Niles Township Invitational | Round: Quarters | Opponent: Northside ER | Judge: Rahim Shakoor, John Voss, Val McIntosh

India will win and war key to prevent future conflict

Srinivasan 2004 (Rajeev, "Give War a Chance," January 4, http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/jan/30rajeev.htm)

American military historian John Keegan says in Intelligence in War: ’Decision in war is
AND
Pakistan’s bluff will reduce this pit bull to a poodle in no time.

Indo-Pak war would devastate Pakistan solves terrorism and Afghan instability without escalation

Frontier India-http://frontierindia.net/author/chacko/ 08 emerged as a comprehensive and reliable source of public information. The website is an important resource for governments, policy makers, industrialists, political and economic experts, and researchers interested in International affairs. The content of Frontier India is provided by its staff, in cooperation with affiliated experts and journalists from around the globe. The site is updated daily and is w3c schools compliant. December 24th, 2008

Both the Pakistani Army and the Jihadi organisations like Tehrik-e-Taliban 26
AND
like India, US, Afghanistan and Israel should jointly execute this program.

Stable Afghanistan solves Chinese regime stability

Rhinefield, 6 (Jeffrey, Implications of Societal Fragmentation for State Formation: Can Democracy Succeed in Afghanistan, Naval Postgraduate School, March)

Finally, if Afghanistan is unable to create the conditions in which the United States
AND
failure in Afghanistan are detrimental to China’s internal stability and national security policy. 

Extinction

Renxing ’05 (San Renxing, Epoch Times. 8-5-05. "The CCP’s Last-ditch Gamble: Biological and Nuclear War" http://www.theepochtimes.com/news/5-8-5/30931.html-http://www.theepochtimes.com/news/5-8-5/30931.html)

What, then, is the gist of this wild, last-ditch gamble
AND
to cling to life. That is the main theme of the speeches.

Tournament: Mich RR | Round: 1 | Opponent: MBA BR | Judge: Shunta Jordan

The plan has to be government-to-government – not private economic engagement

Daga, 13 - director of research at Politicas Publicas para la Libertad, in Bolivia, and a visiting senior policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation (Sergio, "Economics of the 2013-2014 Debate Topic:
U.S. Economic Engagement Toward Cuba, Mexico or Venezuela", National Center for Policy Analysis, 5/15, http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf-http://www.ncpa.org/pdfs/Message_to_Debaters_6-7-13.pdf)

Economic engagement between or among countries can take many forms, but this document will
AND
some issues are more important with respect to some countries than to others.

Engagement is exclusively bilateral policies

Kane, 8 – US Marine Corps Major, thesis SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF OPERATIONAL STUDIES for the USMC School of Advanced Warfighting (Brian, "Comprehensive Engagement: A Winning Strategy " http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA504901-http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA504901) NSS = National Security Strategy

Engagement strategies are not new. Since the end of the Cold War, engagement strategy has been called "comprehensive containment, conditional containment, conditional engagement, limited engagement, quid pro quo engagement, congagement, unconditional engagement, and comprehensive engagement."8 As a result, engagement strategy represents a "conceptual fog" in today’s environment.9
 However, the Clinton Administration attempted to dissipate this fog with the first post-Cold War, multi-faceted definition proposed in its NSS, which stated that engagement strategy is:
(1) a broad based grand strategic orientation;
 (2) a specific approach to managing bilateral relations with a target state through the
 unconditional provision of continuous concessions to that state;
 (3) a bilateral policy characterized by the conditional provision of concessions to a state;
 (4) a bilateral policy characterized by the broadening of contacts in areas of mutual interest
 with a target state; and
 (5) a bilateral policy characterized by the provision of technical assistance to facilitate
 economic and political liberalization in a target state.10
This definition of engagement has been the most successful historically.11

Its’ is a possessive pronoun showing ownership

Glossary of English Grammar Terms, 2005  
(http://www.usingenglish.com/glossary/possessive-pronoun.html)

Mine, yours, his, hers, its, ours, theirs are the possessive pronouns used to substitute a noun and to show possession or ownership.
EG. This is your disk and that’s mine. (Mine substitutes the word disk and shows that it belongs to me.)

B. Violation – the plan merely removes barriers to private sector economic engagement

C. Voting issue –

1.  limits – a government limit is the only way to keep the topic manageable – otherwise they could use any 3^rd party intermediary, lift barriers to private engagement, or target civil society – it makes topic preparation impossible

2. negative ground – formal governmental channels are key to predictable relations disads and counterplans that test ’engagement’

Forcing the direct standard is key- minus it everything is topical because anything can effect another nation’s economy- means over ends

Derrick, 98 - LIEUTENANT COLONEL ROBERT R. DERRICK United States Army ("ENGAGEMENT: THE NATIONS PREMIER GRAND STRATEGY, WHO’S IN CHARGE?" http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA342695-http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA342695)

It is becoming common knowledge that "...international issues now affect every American."13
AND
interest of the US to at least maintain regions at the status quo.

Tournament: Valley | Round: Octas | Opponent: Niles West CK | Judge: Dana Chirstensen, Dustin Meyers-Levy, Luke Plutowski

1nc

The American and non American dichotomy is real21 It’s been slowly creeping and creeping on since the beginning start of the Americas. Crushing the fallen under its harsh dichotomy it retrenches an otherness that rein scribes racism where one is judged by the location they’re from rather than the content of their character. This eye blinding white figure has stomped on those not as glittery as itself- setting hopes and dreams on fire with its radical singularity. crushing the hopes and dreams of millions. It fills itself with cash always become heavier and heavier- pounding, stomping, clobbering  on the non-Europeans- laughing as their screams permeate society21 Laughing as their wishes ooze out of them from under his crushing weight. NO ONE WILL EVER UNDERSTAND YOU212121 HAHA It laughs with its sick sadistic smile. No possibility of ethics- no possibility of hope-

We now turn to HP Lovecraft, to continue the story:
 (HP Lovecraft, "Weird Tales," November 1931) ~m leap~

They say foul beings of Old Times still lurk In dark forgotten corners of the
AND
nameless shapes may even now lurk in the dark places of the world?

Voting negative is a ballot to retell the aff as a horror story – weirdly
AND
unpredictable – the supernatural condition of horror is primordial and must be accepted.
Lovecraft ’27 (H.P. Lovecraft, "Supernatural Horror In Literature," 1927, pg 1-3) ~m leap~

THE OLDEST and strongest emotion of mankind is fear, and the oldest and strongest
AND
globe in unholy dimensions which only the dead and the moonstruck can glimpse. 

1nc

The battle for the public sphere is over—we lost.  Conservatives and liberals are now two sides of the same coin, and any movement that actually promises radical change will be destroyed as soon as it becomes perceptible.  An imperceptible movement has the most subversive potential—the only space left for radical thought is the non-sensical, that which is excluded by its very unintelligibility to the public sphere

The Invisible Committee, ’7 ~an anonymous group of French professors, phd candidates, and intellectuals, in the book "The Coming Insurrection" published by Semiotext(e) (attributed to the Tarnac Nine-http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tarnac_Nine by the French police), http://tarnac9.noblogs.org/gallery/5188/insurrection_english.pdf-http://tarnac9.noblogs.org/gallery/5188/insurrection_english.pdf~~ ~We do not endorse the ableist language used in the title of the authors~ ~card edited for ableist language we do not endorse~

Whatever angle you look ~analyze~ at it from, there’s no escape from
AND
we can see and not avoid the conclusions to be drawn from it.

Their arguments about personal agency are ultimately conservative and de-politicizing – arguments for localizing activism within the purview of social location are the equivalent of privatizing social change, creating us as dependent on the necessity of their advocacy. The more successful their strategy is the more damage it does by making institutions necessary to our understanding of social change

Hershock ’99, East-West Center, 1999.  ~"Changing the way society changes", Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 6, 154; http://jbe.gold.ac.uk/6/hershock991.html-http://jbe.gold.ac.uk/6/hershock991.html~~ 

The trouble is that, like other technologies biased toward control, the more successful
AND
depletion of our resources for meaningfully improvised and liberating intimacy with all things.

1nc

Liberal society pursues openness that is instrumentalized through political and economic exchange value – the 1AC affirmation is a regulated open-ness that is based on continual operation within structures of the institutional status quo – vote negative to sacrifice their openness to the radically open danger of the Outside

Negarestani ’8 (Reza, philosopher, artist, "cyclonopedia: complicity with anonymous materials" p.195-199)

In the mid-eighties, before succumbing to his petromantic nympholepsy, Hamid Parsani
AND
as the prolonging of survival; affordability in all its forms guarantees survival.

The alternative is a call for radical openness – only voting negative can traverse and lacerate liberal openness and avoid appropriation by economic affordance

Negarestani ’3 (Reza Negarestani, Iranian artist and writer, "Death as a Perversion: Openness and Germinal Death," Arthur and Marilouise Kroker, Editors, 10/15/2003, www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=396-http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=396) ~m leap~

From pre-Islamic Zoroastrian mages to Sade to Nietzsche, Bataille and Deleuze,
AND
(even unlife) while anonymously coming from the compositional depths of life.

Their Aff’s attempt to characterize power in a particular way through imperialism and colonialism assumes that power is a ’substance’ that CAN be characterized. This is FALSE, power is produced by actants that exist in relation to one another BEFORE those relations have been defined through power. Their attempt to arbitrarily fit a system to a concept inevitably fails and crushes resistance

Harman ’9 (Graham, professor of philosophy American University of Cairo, "Prince of Networks: Bruno Latour and Metaphysics," p. 22)

Even power, that favourite occult quality of radical political critics, is a result
AND
pathetic Nibelungen. We may be fragile, but so are the powerful.

1nc

We advocate to bring about "the end of the world" as we know it but without the usage of abelist metaphors of listening.

As rhetoricians, we have a unique responsibility to reject the ableism of "listening" metaphors
Lacey 10 (Teacher, MA in English, "The Conversations Metaphor and Ableism", 9/6, http://equality101.net/?p=1886-http://equality101.net/?p=1886  Accessed 2/10/11 GAL)

In my last post-http://equality101.net/?p=1809, I discussed how I might use the seemingly elementary activity
AND
of the conversation that others listen to and use to form their opinions.
As I prepared for one of my classes today, I came across the following passage in a chapter called "Reading Rhetorically: The Writer as Strong Reader":
The goal of this chapter is to help you become a more powerful reader of academic texts, prepared to take part in the conversations of the disciplines you study. To this end, we explain two kinds of thinking and writing essential to your college reading:
Your ability to listen carefully to a text, to recognize its parts and their functions, and to summarize its ideas
Your ability to formulate strong responses to texts by interacting with them, either by agreeing with, interrogating, or actively opposing them
(Ramage, Bean, and Johnson, Allyn 26 Bacon Guide to Writing, 5th ed., pg. 109)
Clearly, the conversation metaphor is a useful and important framework that has the capacity to help college students understand college-level writing in a new and more applicable way. This metaphor has helped me explain why we do research at all and how composition classes are relevant outside of the required course structure at the university.
But after reading this passage, it struck me that this metaphor — built on
AND
classism (access to the Web and time to participate in chat rooms).
As the composition field continues to become more relevant as students engage with all kinds
AND
teaching students how to critically engage with texts and contribute to their communities.

Voting Issue – Ableist Speech strengthens oppression and destroys the purposes of public debate – the impacts trump the other warrants in their arguments
Wheelchair Dancer, 4/28/8
("On Making Argument: Disability and Language", http://cripwheels.blogspot.com/2008/04/on-making-argument-disability-and.html-http://cripwheels.blogspot.com/2008/04/on-making-argument-disability-and.html Accessed: 2/10/11  GAL)
If you are feeling a little bit of resistance, here, I’d ask you to think about it. If perhaps what I am saying feels like a burden — too much to take on? a restriction on your carefree speech? — perhaps that feeling can also serve as an indicator of how pervasive and thus important the issue is. As a community, we’ve accepted that commonly used words can be slurs, and as a rule, we avoid them, hopefully in the name of principle, but sometimes only in the name of civility. Do you go around using derivatives of the b*ch word? If you do, I bet you check which community you are in.... Same thing for the N word. These days, depending on your age, you might say something is retarded or spastic, but you probably never say that it’s gay. I’d like to suggest that society as a whole has not paid the same kind of attention to disabled people’s concerns about language. By not paying attention to the literal value, the very real substantive, physical, psychological, sensory, and emotional experiences that come with these linguistic moves, we have created a negative rhetorical climate. In this world, it is too easy for feminists and people of colour to base their claims on argumentative strategies that depend, as their signature moves, on marginalizing the experience of disabled people and on disparaging their appearance and bodies. Much of the blogosphere discourse of the previous weeks has studied the relationships between race, (white) feminism and feminists, and WOC bloggers. To me, the intellectual takeaway has been an emerging understanding of how, in conversation, notions of appropriation, citation, ironization, and metaphorization can be deployed as strategies of legitimation and exclusion. And, as a result, I question how "oppressed, minoritized" groups differentiate themselves from other groups in order to seek justice and claim authority. Must we always define ourselves in opposition and distance to a minoritized and oppressed group that can be perceived as even more unsavory than the one from which one currently speaks?
As I watched the discussion about who among the feminist and WOC bloggers has power and authority and how that is achieved, I began to recognise a new power dynamic both on the internet and in the world at large. Feminism takes on misogyny. The WOC have been engaging feminism. But from my point of view, a wide variety of powerful feminist and anti-racist discourse is predicated on negative disability stereotyping. There’s a kind of hierarchy here: the lack of awareness about disability, disability culture and identity, and our civil rights movement has resulted in a kind of domino effect where disability images are the metaphor of last resort: the bottom, the worst. Disability language has about it a kind of untouchable quality — as if the horror and weakness of a disabled body were the one true, reliable thing, a touchstone to which we can turn when we know we can’t use misogynistic or racist language. When we engage in these kinds of argumentative strategies, we exclude a whole population of people whose histories are intricately bound up with ours. When we deploy these kinds of strategies to underscore the value of our own existence in the world, we reaffirm and strengthen the systems of oppression that motivated us to speak out in the first place.

Their argument reinforces the systems of oppression they claim to challenge
Wheelchair Dancer, 4/28/8
("On Making Argument: Disability and Language", http://cripwheels.blogspot.com/2008/04/on-making-argument-disability-and.html-http://cripwheels.blogspot.com/2008/04/on-making-argument-disability-and.html Accessed: 2/10/11  GAL)
Relying on the figurative value of disability metaphors tends to render disabled people invisible;
AND
broken back (metaphorically speaking, of course) you are standing on. 

If forensics is truly the site for change they speak of, then NOW is the time to incorporate Disability Studies into our mission
Shelton 26 Matthews ’1 ~Mike, frmr asst prof and debate coach at Louisville; Cynthia, Comm PhD student, "Extending the Diversity Agenda in Forensics: Invisible Disabilities and Beyond," Argumentation 26 Advocacy, v38, pp121-130~
Diversity issues have become a corner¬stone of higher education, and forensic ac¬tivities are certainly
AND
the larger collective—includ¬ing the forensic community-to which they belong. 

1nc

Bereft of values, our society demands images of suffering from others to replenish our moral sentiment.  We exchange our pity for their pain, in a process that guarantees the suffering must continue.
Baudrillard in 94 ~Jean, September 28, "No Reprieve For Sarejevo"~
The problem lies indeed in the nature of our reality. We have got only
AND
no way undermining the military-industrial complex of old 26 sinister days. 

2nc

Ableist rhetoric will turn any of their education claims- the usage of this language implicates all education we receive- an environment without these rhetoric’s is a prerequisite to education

Ben-Moshe ’5 ~Liat, Ph.D. student in Sociology, Disability Studies
and Women Studies at Syracuse University. ""Lame Idea": Disabling Language in the Classroom," in Building Pedagogical Curb Cuts: Incorporating Disability into the University Classroom and Curriculum, found at http://www.syr.edu/gradschool/pdf/resourcebooksvideos/Pedagogical20Curb20Cuts.pdf~~
The language that we use in our classrooms has far reaching implications on the education
AND
communication or we can create classrooms in which we all feel equally challenged.
This is a voting issue - You would never vote for a team that used racial or sexist epithets
Martin ’9 ~Renee, self-identified Black lesbian with disabilities, "It’s Little People, Not Midget" July 7, http://www.womanist-musings.com/2009_07_05_archive.html~~
Whether it is tranny, nigger, lame, faggot, dyke or midget, what cannot be denied is that these terms exist only to mark difference for the purposes of expressing power coercively.  It is not difficult to refrain from using such language and an insistence on perpetuating behaviour even after becoming aware that said terms are highly offensive, is not only rude; it is an expression of privilege.

Debate is a scholastic activity founded on public discourse and critical thinking, this Voting Issue comes before the other warrants of their arguments
Ben-Moshe ’5 ~Liat, Ph.D. student in Sociology, Disability Studies
and Women Studies at Syracuse University. ""Lame Idea": Disabling Language in the Classroom," in Building Pedagogical Curb Cuts: Incorporating Disability into the University Classroom and Curriculum, found at http://www.syr.edu/gradschool/pdf/resourcebooksvideos/Pedagogical20Curb20Cuts.pdf~~
When we use terms like "retarded," "lame" or "blind"—
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disabilities, but we also appropriate these lived experiences for our own use.

In-round education has external impacts as well – ableism is no different from other oppressions in this way – language affects attitudes, which determine actions
Rieser 26 Mason ’92 ~Richard and Micheline, British Council of Organisations of Disabled People, "Disability in the classroom: a human rights issue,  http://www.worldofinclusion.com/res/deinclass/text_only.pdf-http://www.worldofinclusion.com/res/deinclass/text_only.pdf~~
As long as stereotyping and prejudice exist towards people with disabilities, scapegoating¶ and
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, politics, and life experiences of the different groups within our society. 

Ableist language in the service of emancipator struggles only reifies oppression
Wheelchair Dancer ’8
("On Making Argument: Disability and Language", http://cripwheels.blogspot.com/2008/04/on-making-argument-disability-and.html-http://cripwheels.blogspot.com/2008/04/on-making-argument-disability-and.html Accessed: 2/10/11  GAL)
As I watched the discussion about who among the feminist and WOC bloggers has power
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images are the metaphor of last resort: the bottom, the worst.
Disability language has about it a kind of untouchable quality — as if the horror
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systems of oppression that motivated us to speak out in the first place.
Some background and ground rules. Though I am using Mandolin’s post in detail,
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and helpless — in this case before the forces of evil oppressive systems.
Yes, I know, images and language like this are so routine that they are almost invisible. But that doesn’t make it acceptable. Language and its ideas still have effects. In this case, they are part of a system of images that the writer has begun to use whenever she needs to talk about a powerless situation in the identity and cultural politics wars.
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More

Negarestani ’8 (Reza, philosopher, artist "cyclonopedia: complicity with anonymous materials" p.199-201)
In order to surrender yourself to the ecstasy of Life-Satan (the epidemic
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exhortations revel in the morbid festivals of A-Good-Meal polytics?

The 1AC falsely assumed a priori that power is a substance which can be characterized in a certain way and then attempts to assign it particular characteristics based on certain underlying features are assumed before they are proven and then used to interpret the world. This is a conceptual error akin to saying that ’a wind is made of dry leaves’. Power is not a substance but rather a movement through actant material and is almost always negotiable — the thinner it stretches the weaker it gets. Rather than resent bureaucratic forms of thought we should admire it for its venal flaws

Harman ’9 (Graham, professor of philosophy American University of Cairo, "Prince of Networks: Bruno Latour and Metaphysics," p. 21-22)

It is never the actant in naked purity that possesses force, but only the
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of the hand. Harmony is a result, not a guiding principle. 

1nr

Instead, we should take the position of the Zapatismo land struggle and remain silent on the question of land ownership in relation to historical violence. Our silence says more than their speech act and allows a multiplicity to coalesce around indigenous solidarity
Simon Tormey, Politics at University of Nottingham, 2006
Parliamentary Affairs 2006 59(1):138-154
The first relates to the claim with which we opened the paper. This is
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Will or a collective viewpoint articulating the wishes and interests of The People.
One of the reasons, it seems, for the loose-limbed ’anarchic’
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that he sees in his own ’constituency’. As he puts it:
In the world of the powerful there is no space for anyone but themselves and their servants. In the world we want everyone fits.
We want a world in which many worlds fit. The nation that we construct is one where all communities and languages fit, where all steps may walk, where all may have laughter, where all may live the dawn.25
This sensitivity to difference is itself reflective of the qualities Marcos exercises in his difficult
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, oppressed, exploited minority that is resisting and saying ’Enough21’27
So is Marcos not representative in some sense—representative of the ’poor and
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difference provides ’necessary destructions’ of representational thought Deleuze argues that we find:
that of the poet, who speaks in the name of a creative power,
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which already calls forth in the world the forms of its representation.28
Deleuze’s ’poet’ is of course Nietzsche in this passage; but Marcos seems in
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voice-less minorities—which in numerical terms is the vast majority.
Thinking more generally about the socio-political ideology of Zapatismo, what becomes evident
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is challenged both implicitly and explicitly by Zapatista practice. As Marcos insists:
Zapatismo is not an ideology,
it is not bought and paid for by a doctrine.
It is ... an intuition.
Something so open and flexible that
it really occurs in all places.
Zapatismo poses the question:
’What is it that excluded me?’
What is that has isolated me?’
... In each place the response is different.
Zapatismo simply states the question
and stipulates that the response is plural,
that the response is inclusive ... 29
In attempting to elaborate what Zapatismo is, communiqués articulate the idea of ’a
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of what it ’hears’. As Marcos notes, this would be:
An echo that recognises the existence of the other and does not overpower or attempt to silence it.
An echo that takes its place and speaks its own voice, yet speaks with the voice of the other.
An echo that reproduces its own sound, yet opens itself to the sound of the other.
An echo ~...~ transforming itself and renewing itself in other voices. An echo that turns itself into many voices, into a network of voices that, before Power’s deafness, opts to speak to itself, knowing itself to be one and many, acknowledging itself to be equal in its desire to listen and be listened to, to recognising itself as diverse in the tones and levels of voices forming it.30
INCLUDING ANY ELEMENT of the political strategy of the 1AC ONLY RISKS short-circuiting the radical potential of the alternative by making protest visible. Imperceptibility is a precondition for freedom of action

The Invisible Committee, ’7 ~an anonymous group of French professors, phd candidates, and intellectuals, in the book "The Coming Insurrection" published by Semiotext(e) (attributed to the Tarnac Nine-http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tarnac_Nine by the French police), http://tarnac9.noblogs.org/gallery/5188/insurrection_english.pdf-http://tarnac9.noblogs.org/gallery/5188/insurrection_english.pdf~~
Stay invisible. Put anonymity on the offense. In a demonstration, a unionist
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this society if you want help understanding the joy of being no one.

Tournament: Valley | Round: Quads | Opponent: Dowling KW | Judge: Dana Christensen, Edmund Zagorin, Dustin Meyers-Levy

Poetry terrorizes western philosophical systems by pointing beyond knowledge. Similar to how the suicide bomber is never sure of the way the gesture is received – the poet is blind to the fx of their writing. Inversely, similar to the way we may enver know the motives of the now dead suicide bomber, we may never know the meaning of the poet. In fact, each attempt to answer an over writing of the bomb/poem with the self. So we are left in a dead lock: obliged to respond whilst painfully aware of the inadequacy of each attempt to reply insofar as it overwrites the other within our selves. Herein lay meaning21 In a transparent universe of pure exchange, only a singular object for which no response or interpretation is adequate opens up the necessary space of otherness, for comparison without equation, for value without equivalence.

Fernando 10 (Jeremy Fernando, The Suicide Bomber and her gift of death, 2010, pg 213 - 222, DA: 1/24/12)
The poet, irremediably split between exaltation and vulgarity, between the autonomy that produces
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the possibility of the game, remaining all the while out of bounds.
It is the ambivalence that is the key in this provisionary relationship between the question
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nothing we can say of her except the fact that she is dead. 

At risk of banality, we propose an alternative method of engagement with the system of hegemonic control. We affirm a terroristic action to which the system cannot respond. Jeron and I are terrorists, refusing to be coopted by whatever imposition of analysis the state will try. We offer you the singular gesture of the suicide bomber, rejecting the violent proliferation of the Same.

Fernando10 (Jeremy, The Suicide Bomer and her gift of death, pg 148-150)
At the risk of banality, we must now attempt an imaginative gesture, for
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is the death of the religion itself, into mere dogma and orthodoxy.

The state form is a way of seeing based on constructing fixed representations—causes despotic signification, overcoding, and machinic enslavement—operates as a borg-like megamachine that assimilates and vertically subordinates horizontal social networks—this causes all conflict and blocks subject-formation—simply learning how to be outside the state-form is a victory in and of itself.

Robinson ’11 (Andrew Robinson, political theorist and author, "In Theory Why Deleuze (still) matters: States, war-machines and radical transformation," Ceasefire Magazine, June 6, 2011, http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/features/ideas/in-theory-deleuze-war-machine/-http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/features/ideas/in-theory-deleuze-war-machine/) ~M Leap~
In this article, I have chosen to concentrate on the conceptual pairing of states
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goal of these other connections – is already a victory against the system.