Tournament: Blake, MN State | Round: 1 | Opponent: ALL | Judge: ALL

1AC Wayzata HL – State

The Cuban embargo is symbolic of our desire for Cuba – we attempt to make Cuba the same as us but we have feminized Cuba – The perceived objectivity and neutrality in economic engagement is a tool of the phallic system.

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
This is the United States as I see it today—a white headless body
AND
itself against castration and to simulate phallic power as it did in Haiti. 

The U.S. Cuban foreign policy is the standpoint of our global encounters - Only recognizing sexual difference between Cuba and the United States and releasing our grip can we break down the phallus structure that upholds indifference.

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
Since 1959, then, the United States has been "faking it"—"it
AND
were not intended" (Grosz, 1995: 142; my emphasis).

Knowledge of Latin America is controlled by the masculine – only allowing the feminine in our discussion can we challenge the current phallocentric system

Stavans, 95 – Lewis-Sebring Professor in Latin American and Latino Culture at Amherst, Ph.D. from Columbia University  (Ilan, "The Latin Phallus," Transition, Indiana University Press, W.E.B. Du Bois Institute, JSTOR)HAL
Let me map the ambitions of my little book by starting at the beginning.
AND
remains all powerful, and the conqueror will be showered with red flowers. 

Tiffany and I relate to the topic when we look to Cuba: non masculine identities in debate are forced into sameness yet we are not allowed to discuss this indifference. The phallic structure denies the feminine

Eisenberg in 2012
Stephanie Esienberg "Speaking from the Margins: Negotiating barriers to women’s participation and success in policy debate" San Francisco State.
Particular types of argument choices may affect the way participants experience a debate round.
AND
in debate that challenge their competitors and judges to a moment of reflexivity.  

The logic of phallocentrism structures the debate community – non masculine identities are forced into the androcentric economy of sameness in order to earn a place in debate and the failure to conform drives the exclusion of women from the activity.  The reproduction of the masculine subject position spillsover into your life after debate and supports it’s entrenchment across society

Griffin and Raider, 89 (J. Cinder and Holly Jane, "Women in High School Debate" http://groups.wfu.edu/debate/MiscSites/DRGArticles/Griffin26Raider1989PunishmentPar.htm)
’I don’t usually vote for girl debaters because debate really is a boy’s activity.
AND
expend team resources on her increases, assuming she overcomes the initial obstacles. 

Cuba experiences oppression – refusing to discuss the aff is commitment to ignoring the private sphere that upholds gendered violence

Lundgren, 12 - Ph.D. in Cultural Anthropology from Uppsala University, Professor at the Institute of Latin American Studies at Stockholm University (Silje, "Shaking that ass: Reggaetón as an embodiment of "low culture" to mark difference and privilege in contemporary Havana," Serie HAINA VIII 2012, Bodies and Borders in Latin America, http://liu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:584258/FULLTEXT01)//HAL
Gendered violence Let me now turn to the question of how to understand Zusel’s suggestion
AND
population, much in the same manner as the construction of sexual education. 

Cuban women have been excluded from the political realm. Women’s particular ways of knowing are ruled as illegitimate and useless.

Martinez, 9 – (Maria Del Carmen, ’’Her body was my country’’: Gender and Cuban-American exile-community nationalist identity in the work of Gustavo Perez Firmat," 2009, Palgrave Macmillan 1476-3435 Latino Studies Vol. 7, 3, 295–316)HAL
Moreover, Cuban exile identity has more often than not been constructed in deeply essentialist
AND
sure, by the spectacle of undressing before a drunken, hooting crowd.

Tiffany and I are asked to defend a removal of the embargo – this task is fundamentally impossible without looking to the embargo in place against non-masculine identities. The United States federal government should lift the economic embargo against Cuba just as the debate community should lift the embargo against non-masculine identities. Tiffany and I reconceptualize Being starting with the fluidity of sexual difference as at least two. Lifting the embargo to provide and embody a methodology that confronts masculine oppression is a starting point to understanding the foundation of US economic engagement with Cuba.

Starting with difference as at least two recognizes we can only encompass half of humanity at best—this disrupts the hegemony of the masculine economy while avoiding critiques of essentialism

Cohoon 11 (Christopher; Prof Philosophy @ Stony Brook University; "The Ecological Irigaray?" Ecocritical Theory)
Returning to and Reinterpreting Nature Given that women have traditionally been considered both inferior because
AND
then, the cultural task of subjective becoming is simultaneously an ecological task. 

Inclusion of women recreates the phallocentric economy of the Same—the aff reformulates the political

Fermon 98 ~Nicole, Women on the Global Market: Irigaray and the Democratic State, Diacritics 28:1, p. 120-137~
Best known for her subtle interrogation of philosophy and psychoanalysis, Luce Irigaray clearly also
AND
critical to establishing an economy which honors and supports the practices of women.

Suppression of sexual difference guarantees genocide and end of life

Irigaray, 1991, (Luce, Famous french scholar, The irigaray Reader, p.33)
Even a vaguely rigorous analysis of claims to equality shows that they are justified at
AND
stake is clearer today than it was when The Second Sex was written.

We may not be able to immediately enact federal policy, but we can change the community that we participate in.

Rebecca Bjork, former college debater, coach, and professor in ’93 (former college debater and former associate professor at the University of Utah, where she taught graduate and undergraduate courses in Communication and Women in Debate, Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle, Debater’s Research Guide 1992-1993: Wake Forest University.Symposium, web.archive.org/web/20011012220529/members.aol.com/womynindebate/article3.htm)
While reflecting on my experiences as a woman in academic debate in preparation for this
AND
do so, we give up the only real power that we have.

Tournament: Dowling | Round: Quarters | Opponent: GBS CK | Judge:
NOTE: We only read this 1AC one round (and it failed lol). So we went back to reading the straight up Embargo aff at Blake (1AC Glenbrooks). 

1AC

This poem asserts that through menstruation, women know who they are and can feel
AND
ancient Egypt, seers in temples in Sumer all bled with the moon."
Bobel, 10 - Associate Professor of Women’s Studies at University of Massachusetts Boston, (Chris, "New Blood: Third-Wave Feminism and the Politics of Menstruation," pg. 70)

Society is built on on a masculine gaze. As prisoners of patriarchy, non masculine identities are forced to fit into discourses of the normal. The political sphere’s assumption of a gender-neutral renders the feminine body invisible. Menstruation is a prime example of this hidden regulation

Patterson, 13 - Master of Arts in Sociology from UNO (Ashly, "The Menstrual Body," May 2013, http://scholarworks.uno.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=267426context=td)//HAL
Though Goffman’s theory enhances our understanding of menstruation as a social stigma, his ahistorical
AND
Unger and Crawford, quoted in Chapple et al., 2000: 75). 

The 1AC reclaims the notion of period positiveness which allows us to break from social normality. The 1AC speech act is a menstrual painting that breaks free of the silence

Patterson, 13 - Master of Arts in Sociology from UNO (Ashly, "The Menstrual Body," May 2013, http://scholarworks.uno.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=267426context=td)//HAL
Radical Menarchists: A Menstrual Revolution Radical menstruators combine the theories and grassroots activist tactics
AND
it is not in any way indicative of a physical or psychological illness.

The 1NC performance is TRANSFORMATIVE

MacDonald, 7 – (Shauna M., "Leaky Performances: The Transformative Potential of Menstrual Leaks," Women’s Studies in Communication, Genderwatch)HAL
In this essay I bring fluids into scholarly dialogue with theories of performance, liminality
AND
implies, I believe it is our perspective on our mess that matters.

Only our performance of blood stories can break down patriarchy – the affirmative leaks solutions

MacDonald, 7 – (Shauna M., "Leaky Performances: The Transformative Potential of Menstrual Leaks," Women’s Studies in Communication, Genderwatch)HAL
Revolution, appropriately, is just the sort of potentiality some theorists attribute to fluids
AND
we can use our leaks to connect to others, and to ourselves.

The Cuban embargo is symbolic of our desire for Cuba – we attempt to make Cuba the same as us but we have turned Cuba into a queer dildo – The perceived objectivity and neutrality in economic engagement is a tool of the phallic system.

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
This is the United States as I see it today—a white headless body
AND
itself against castration and to simulate phallic power as it did in Haiti. 

The U.S. Cuban foreign policy is the standpoint of our global encounters - Only recognizing sexual difference between Cuba and the United States and releasing our grip can we break down the phallus structure that upholds indifference.

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
Since 1959, then, the United States has been "faking it"—"it
AND
were not intended" (Grosz, 1995: 142; my emphasis).

Knowledge of Latin America is controlled by the masculine – only allowing the feminine in our discussion can we challenge the current phallocentric system

Stavans, 95 – Lewis-Sebring Professor in Latin American and Latino Culture at Amherst, Ph.D. from Columbia University  (Ilan, "The Latin Phallus," Transition, Indiana University Press, W.E.B. Du Bois Institute, JSTOR)HAL
Let me map the ambitions of my little book by starting at the beginning.
AND
remains all powerful, and the conqueror will be showered with red flowers. 

Haley and I relate to the topic when we look to Cuba and menstruation: non masculine identities in debate are forced into sameness yet we are not allowed to discuss this indifference. The phallic structure denies the feminine

Eisenberg in 2012
Stephanie Esienberg "Speaking from the Margins: Negotiating barriers to women’s participation and success in policy debate" San Francisco State.
Particular types of argument choices may affect the way participants experience a debate round.
AND
in debate that challenge their competitors and judges to a moment of reflexivity.  

The logic of phallocentrism structures the debate community – non masculine identities are forced into the androcentric economy of sameness in order to earn a place in debate and the failure to conform drives the exclusion of women from the activity.  The reproduction of the masculine subject position spillsover into your life after debate and supports it’s entrenchment across society

Griffin and Raider, 89 (J. Cinder and Holly Jane, "Women in High School Debate" http://groups.wfu.edu/debate/MiscSites/DRGArticles/Griffin26Raider1989PunishmentPar.htm)
’I don’t usually vote for girl debaters because debate really is a boy’s activity.
AND
expend team resources on her increases, assuming she overcomes the initial obstacles. 

Haley and I are asked to defend a removal of the embargo – this task is fundamentally impossible without looking to the embargo in place against us – against non-masculine identities and menstruation. The United States federal government should lift the economic embargo against Cuba just as the debate community should lift the embargo against non-masculine identities and menstruation. Tiffany and I reconceptualize Being starting with the fluidity of sexual difference as at least two. Lifting the embargo on menstruation provides and embodies a methodology that confronts masculine oppression is a starting point to understanding the foundation of US economic engagement with Cuba.

Starting with difference as at least two recognizes we can only encompass half of humanity at best—this disrupts the hegemony of the masculine economy while avoiding critiques of essentialism

Cohoon 11 (Christopher; Prof Philosophy @ Stony Brook University; "The Ecological Irigaray?" Ecocritical Theory)
Returning to and Reinterpreting Nature Given that women have traditionally been considered both inferior because
AND
then, the cultural task of subjective becoming is simultaneously an ecological task. 

Inclusion of women recreates the phallocentric economy of the Same—the aff reformulates the political

Fermon 98 ~Nicole, Women on the Global Market: Irigaray and the Democratic State, Diacritics 28:1, p. 120-137~
Best known for her subtle interrogation of philosophy and psychoanalysis, Luce Irigaray clearly also
AND
critical to establishing an economy which honors and supports the practices of women.

Suppression of sexual difference guarantees genocide and end of life

Irigaray, 1991, (Luce, Famous french scholar, The irigaray Reader, p.33)
Even a vaguely rigorous analysis of claims to equality shows that they are justified at
AND
stake is clearer today than it was when The Second Sex was written.

We may not be able to immediately enact federal policy, but we can change the community that we participate in.

Rebecca Bjork, former college debater, coach, and professor in ’93 (former college debater and former associate professor at the University of Utah, where she taught graduate and undergraduate courses in Communication and Women in Debate, Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle, Debater’s Research Guide 1992-1993: Wake Forest University.Symposium, web.archive.org/web/20011012220529/members.aol.com/womynindebate/article3.htm)
While reflecting on my experiences as a woman in academic debate in preparation for this
AND
do so, we give up the only real power that we have.

The aff opens up a space for the feminine discourse

Canode, 11 – PhD in Philosophy from Purdue University (Jillian, "THE RADICAL POTENTIAL OF THE BODY: PUSHING IRIGARIAN PSYCHOANALYSIS IN A DIFFERENT DIRECTION," ProQuest)HAL
In the preceding chapter I sought to elaborate Irigaray’s project of founding the feminine imaginary
AND
she produces but of the meaning the masculine symbolic has imposed on her.

Tournament: Michigan RR | Round: 2 | Opponent: Niles West BN | Judge: Stephen Weil
1AC

The debate community places women in a double-bind – they are continually degraded, judged and excluded because of their material bodies yet female debaters are not allowed to discuss these everyday experiences of violence in debate. The phallic structure denies the feminine  
Eisenberg in 2012
Stephanie Esienberg “Speaking from the Margins: Negotiating barriers to women’s participation and success in policy debate” San Francisco State.
Particular types of argument choices may affect the way participants experience a debate round. For example, debaters may experience some pushback to some of the arguments they wish to speak about in debate, especially if they are trying to integrating personal experiences into their argument. For example, Akila explains that debaters tend to treat each other as if it is a race to the bottom, where the ballot is the only thing that matters. Judy notes that this norm of the community to place emphasis on competitive success allows people to justify arguments that are reprehensible or “not okay.” Akila highlights several examples of teams who will justify racism, sexism and imperialism as appropriate side effects of advocacies that claim to save the lives of many people from potential nuclear war scenarios constructed through a lens of political realism. Ivana notes that externalized logic, large body counts and phallic weapons are privileged over personal experience or “your own body.” Akila feels that debaters don’t place an emphasis on trying to relate to one another, and feels that debate isn’t an alternative space where students are encouraged to relate more ethically towards one another. Like Judy, Akila agrees that the atmosphere promotes an emphasis on competitive success that makes debate feel like “warfare,” a common masculine metaphor. Akila shares: On a personal level, I spent time writing this poem to try to convey to you what being a woman of color and an immigrant is like under this year’s topic which is immigration, but because of the way that we are taught to socialize in a sort of militarized space that is debate, that gets lost until it becomes some sort of arsenal or some sort of weapon. My narrative is just a reason we should win because it foregrounds experiences of immigrants…that’s not a good way of understanding why people put themselves in debates. People put themselves in debates because debate needs to be less insular; it needs to be less detached from the reality of what we talk about. While some women experienced this as a barrier, others did not perceive specific arguments as inherently gendered or as a roadblock to their participation or success in debate. Even though Catherine adopts this particular perspective, she has become more aware of language choices in argumentation, and explains that she frequently hears rhetoric that equates certain argument choices with weakness, such as comparing arguments with rape or making comments such as “that’s gay” or other. These comparisons serve to reaffirm hegemonic masculinity, and Catherine feels that this type of rhetoric is a distinct barrier to inclusion in debate. In order to combat some of these barriers, women utilize argument choice itself as a tactic. Ivana, for example, frequently deploys feminist arguments in debate rounds. She notes that even though some men in the community find it acceptable to speak more candidly about women’s bodies and sexual experiences, it is perpetually taboo to speak about women’s bodies in debate rounds. Ivana deployed arguments related to women’s menstruation as one way to engage this dichotomy she is confronted with. Thomas (2007) explains how the menstruation taboo in modern Western society is “restricting Western women from full citizenship” (p. 76).  Ivana’s decision to speak out in this public forum about women’s menstruation might be thought of as a tactic to confront this taboo while reclaiming a sense of citizenship in the debate community or even in the round itself. By requiring both the judge to listen and the other team to engage her discussion of menstruation, she can call for a questioning of this simultaneous objectification and silencing of women while establishing a space for her to feel engaged and empowered by her argument. Other women chose to approach these tensions by using personal experience as evidence, sharing their own stories in debate rounds. Davis (2007) argues that “women’s subjective accounts of their experiences and how they affect their everyday practices need to be linked to a critical interrogation of the cultural discourses, institutional arrangements, and geopolitical contexts in which these accounts are invariably embedded” (p. 133) This is precisely what these women are doing, weaving their own narratives in with theoretical texts and political events situated while acknowledging the particular institutional space the activity is located in. Lucille doesn’t feel that she uses tactics in debate rounds very often to overcome these barriers, however she notes that there are instances where enough was enough and she spoke about her subjectivity as a woman. Several women noted that being able to speak about being a female or femininity in general while also remaining strategic and successful was an empowering tactic. Akila calls these types of tactics “little disruptions,” or subversive instances in debate that challenge their competitors and judges to a moment of reflexivity.  

The logic of phallocentrism structures the debate community – women are forced into the androcentric economy of sameness in order to earn a place in debate and the failure to conform drives the exclusion of women from the activity.  The reproduction of the masculine subject position spillsover into your life after debate and supports it’s entrenchment across society
Griffin and Raider, 89 (J. Cinder and Holly Jane, “Women in High School Debate” http://groups.wfu.edu/debate/MiscSites/DRGArticles/GriffinandRaider1989PunishmentPar.htm)
'I don't usually vote for girl debaters because debate really is a boy's activity. I am surprised by your ability to handle these issues.' This is virtually a verbatim quote received by one of the authors on a ballot during her senior year in high school. A woman wrote the ballot. In recent years there has been some effort to isolate the factors that limit the participation of women in collegiate debate.2 These studies are superfluous if the factors regarding participation of females at the high school level are not understood. Unfortunately, no such formal research attempt has been made to explain the reasons underlying the thoughts that contribute to the opening quote. The issue of participation of other minority groups in debate is a topic beyond the scope of our discussion. The virtual non-existence of minorities is a deeply disturbing issue and deserves further investigation. Understanding gender and minority selection of debate as an activity in high school level is useful in explaining those selection factors at the collegiate level. One finds few college debaters who were not exposed to the activity in high school. Furthermore, it is unlikely that a female who has not experienced some competition and success in the activity while in high school will remain, very much less begin, debating in college. Additionally, given its competitive nature, quest for excellence, and skewed gender composition, debate offers a micro-model of the business and academic worlds. There are implications for female representation and treatment in these societal roles as debaters tend to become leaders in both the business and academic worlds. As the perceptions of women ingrained through debate experience are translated into society at large through leadership positions, the implications for under-representation of women in debate takes on greater significance. This article addresses several of the reasons behind female participation rates at the high school level and offers a few solutions to the problem. All things being equal, one would assume roughly equal numbers of male and female participants in high school debate. Debate, unlike athletics, does not require physical skills which might restrict the participation of women. Additionally, debate is academically oriented and women tend to select extracurricular activities , that are more academic in nature than men.3 Based on these assumptions, one would expect proportional representation of the genders in the activity. Why then, are there four times more men in debate than women?4 Several explanations exist that begin to account for the low rate of female participation in debate. Fewer females enter the activity at the outset. Although organizational and procedural tactics used in high school debate may account for low initial rates of participation, a variety of social and structural phenomena, not necessarily caused by the debate community also account for these rates. Ultimately, the disproportionate attrition rate of female debaters results in the male dominated composition of the activity. There are more disincentives for women to participate in debate than for men. While entry rates for women and man may in some cases be roughly equal, the total number of women who participate for four years is significantly lower than the corresponding number of men. This rate of attrition is due to factors that can be explained largely by an examination of the debate community itself. Socially inculcated values contribute to low rates of female entry in high school debate. Gender bias and its relation to debate has been studied by Manchester and Freidly. They conclude, "males are adhering to sex-role stereotypes and sex-role expectations when they participate in debate because it is perceived as a masculine' activity. Female debate participants experience more gender-related barriers because they are not adhering to sex-role stereotypes and sex-role expectations.5 In short, 'nice girls' do not compete against or with men, are not assertive, and are not expected to engage in policy discourse, particularly relating to military issues. Rather, "nice girls" should be cheerleaders, join foreign language clubs, or perhaps participate in student government. It should be noted that many of these attitudes are indoctrinated at birth and cannot be directly attributed to the debate community. However, there are many activity specific elements that discourage female participation in high school debate. Structural barriers endemic to the forensics community dissuade female ninth graders from entering the activity.6 Recruitment procedures and initial exposure may unintentionally create a first impression of the activity as dominated by men. By and large, it is a male debater or a male debate coach that will discuss the activity with new students for the first time. Additionally, most debate coaches are men. This reinforces a socially proven norm to prospective debaters, that debate is an activity controlled by men. This male exposure contributes to a second barrier to participation. Parents are more likely to let a son go on an overnight than they are a daughter, particularly when the coach is male and the squad is mostly male. This may be a concern even when the coach is a trusted member of the community. While entry barriers are formidable, female attrition rates effect the number of women in the activity most significantly.7 Rates of attrition are largely related to the level of success. Given the time and money commitment involved in debate, if one is not winning one quits debating. The problem is isolating the factors that contribute to the early failure of women debaters. Even if equal numbers of males and females enter at the novice level, the female perception of debate as a whole is not based on the gender proportions of her immediate peer group. Rather, she looks to the composition of debaters across divisions. This may be easily understood if one considers the traditional structures of novice debate. Often it is the varsity debate team, composed mostly of males, who coach and judge novice. Novices also learn how to debate by watching debates. Thus, the role models will be those individuals already involved in the activity and entrenched in its values. The importance of female role models and mentors should not be underestimated. There is a proven correlation between the number of female participants and the number of female coaches and judges.8 The presence of female mentors and role models may not only help attract women to the activity, but will significantly temper the attrition rate of female debaters. Novice, female debaters have few role models and, consequently, are more likely to drop out than their male counterparts; resulting in an unending cycle of female attrition in high school debate. Pragmatically, there are certain cost benefit criteria that coaches on the high school level, given the constraints of a budget, must consider. Coaches with teams dominated by males may be reluctant to recruit females due to traveling and housing considerations. Thus, even if a female decides to join the team, her travel opportunities may be more limited than those of the males on the team. Once a female has "proven" herself, the willingness to expend team resources on her increases, assuming she overcomes the initial obstacles. 

Like women in debate, Cuban women have been excluded from the political realm. Women’s particular ways of knowing are ruled as illegitimate and useless.
Martinez, 9 – (Maria Del Carmen, ‘‘Her body was my country’’: Gender and Cuban-American exile-community nationalist identity in the work of Gustavo Perez Firmat,” 2009, Palgrave Macmillan 1476-3435 Latino Studies Vol. 7, 3, 295–316)HAL
Moreover, Cuban exile identity has more often than not been constructed in deeply essentialist terms that exclude women from the political realm while foregrounding women's bodies. Cuba has, and continues to be, imagined as a mother, at times monstrous and vindictive, at times victim, always productive. Indeed, maternal figures like the mulata Virgin of Charity and Mariana Grajales, the Mother of Cuba,5 have long been used to express Cuban nationalist sentiment, both revolutionary and exilic. But central Cuban heroes of the independence movement and Cuban exile culture were and continue to be men – like the generals Jose and Antonio Maceo, and the poet “apostle” José Martí. Cuban and Cuban exile-community nationalist identity remains written as a matter of “manly” honor, heroism and masculine material rights.6 In both the Cuban and the Cuban exile community, national identity also continues to be written in terms of familial metaphors, paternalistic codes of “honor” and other gendered narrative strategies with a long and troubling tradition – metaphors that rest on women who suffer. For instance, during the nineteenth-century Cuban wars for independence, Jose Martí employed the image of suffering mothers and aged mothers to legitimate the cause of a Cuba libre. In speeches given in Tampa, New York and Key West, José Martí referred to the island itself as a mother being raped and crying out to its sons for aid. Some of Martí's most passionate poems and essays on the Cuban struggle for independence employed images of women as mothers who suffered – a trope that he appealed to as evidence of the justness of the cause. For example, in “With All and For the Good of All,” he writes: “Down there is our Cuba, smothered in the arms that crush and corrupt it ... There she is, calling to us. We can hear her moan; she is being raped and mocked ... Our dearest mother is being corrupted and torn to pieces!” (1999, 143). He especially appealed to the image of the aged mother, the mother who had seen her husband and sons die and who remained faithful to Cuba libre to symbolize commitment to the cause and assure Cubans that “they would triumph” (Stoner, 1991, 29). For instance, in the August 1892 edition of Patria, Martí described a reception in Philadelphia, where an old woman still wore next to her heart the badge of a Cuban hero. “Everywhere, with their simple mantillas and their lovely gray hair these old women who do not tire of us these widows with the medal of their dead husbands on their breasts follow the flag for which he died. How can men tire when women are tireless?” (Stoner, 1991, 29). Similarly, the first-wave post-1959 Cuban exile community periódicos continued to symbolize Cuba as a suffering mother, often a mother in chains. For example, the banner of the November 1963 exile periódico Ideal reads “Cuba: Woman and Mother.” The cover features an image of a woman with elements of both Liberty (Marianne) and the Virgin of Charity. Her feet are bare and her hands manacled. Instead of the Phrygian cap associated with Liberty, her head is demurely covered in a mantilla, a detail that is reminiscent of a virgin figure. Her hands are held out in supplication; tears stream down her face in an expression of anguish. Mothers symbolized the cause, but women were generally excluded from the “male domain” of exile politics and organizations, where “tradition cast them in a marginal and supportive role” (García, 1996, 133). Cuban exile groups of the 1960s and 1970s, particularly those with paramilitary dimensions, excluded women from their organizations as a matter of policy, and limited the involvement of women in propaganda organizations considered “sensitive” to operations. Women tended to perform auxiliary services like cooking or the “thankless and tedious work of sewing or painting banners.” As one woman put it, “The men did all the planning but we always did all the work” (García, 1996, 134). Even the suffering of female political prisoners in Cuba received almost no attention in the exile press, although the periódicos devoted endless ink to the suffering of Cuban plantados. As María Cristina García notes, “it was not until the late 1980s that the women's experience even began to be told in the exile press in Miami” (1996, 135). Women may symbolize the exile-imagined nation, but they are not written into its political and historical institutions. In the exile community, as elsewhere, women are endlessly spoken of but rarely speaking subjects – endlessly represented but unknowable, that is, “at once captive and absent in discourse displayed as a spectacle” (De Lauretis, 1990, 115). In recent decades, critics have produced important theoretical texts on the nature and process of modern nation-building projects. Initially, however, relatively few addressed gender specifically or in a sustained fashion. And with notable exceptions, few examined nationalism at the intersections of race, class and gender. Important exceptions include the work of Lynn Stoner, Vera Kutzinski, Jean Stubbs, Verena Martinez-Alier and Helen Safa, who simultaneously examine gender, race and nationalism in the context of Cuban history and culture. Benedict Anderson's seminal text Imagined Communities inspired a great deal of literature. However, as Anne McClintock asserts, “If following Anderson, the invented nature of nationalism has recently found wide theoretical currency, the explorations of the gendering of the national imaginary remain paltry” (1997, 89). Indeed, Anderson failed to address the gendered aspects of nation-building discourses with any significant scope. As a result, feminist critics like Doris Sommer, Carol Pateman, Anne McClintock and others have extended this theoretical work to offer feminist readings on the process of nation-building. These findings prove particularly helpful in examining the gendered dimensions of exile nationalism in the work of Gustavo Pérez Firmat. Anne McClintock reworks Anderson to conclude that nations are “contested systems of cultural representation” that are, at a basic, constitutive level, constructed in terms of gender difference. She adds, “All nationalism are gendered; all are invented and all are dangerous.” Moreover, no nation, past or present, has granted women the same “access to rights and resources of the nation-state as men” (1997, 89). In the Disorder of Women, Carol Pateman points out that in the discourses of nation and nation-building, women's bodies represent the antithesis of “political order” (1991, 153). And yet, nations are configured in terms of (re)productive female bodies. As in the work of Pérez Firmat, nation-building projects simultaneously foreground women's bodies while excluding women from material matters of national identity – or in this case, exile national identity. McClintock notes, for instance, that during the French revolution, the Republic became figured in the iconic image of a bare-breasted young mother named Marianne or Liberty. Early images of Marianne stress insurgent, revolutionary action. For instance, in Delacroix's 1830 painting “Liberty Leading the People,” the barefoot Marianne, bayonet in one hand, French flag in the other, leads the people as they storm the barricades. Her breasts, however, came to carry the most symbolic weight. Officially commemorated in 1848, Dubray's bust of Marianne features a bare breast with drops of breast milk, symbolizing maternal generosity and abundance. After the revolution, women were “incorporated not directly as citizens but only indirectly, through men, as dependent members of the family in private and public law” (McClintock, 1997, 89). In fact, the Napoleonic Code became the first modern law to require that the nationality of a wife must follow after her husband's, a position other European nations adopted. Thus, a “woman's political relation to the nation was submerged as a social relation to a man through marriage” (McClintock, 1997, 91). In Next Year in Cuba, too, the figure of Marianne (Liberty) reappears in a similar construct. Pérez Firmat recalls a woman named Beba who was famous in exile Miami for having outrageous parties on 20 May – Cuba's day of Independence from Spain: “For the party Beba wrapped herself in a Cuban flag and tied her hands and feet. At around midnight Beba would shake and shudder until not only the chains but part of her clothing came off too, symbolizing the liberation of Cuba” (1995, 74). Beba inhabits the “public” sphere to some degree; she orchestrates and takes credit for her famous yearly parties. In fact, she has achieved a level of notoriety in the exile community. In Next Year in Cuba, she becomes, however, mere spectacle; she is known only by her first name, likely a nickname – a form of “baby.” She does not speak, but is, instead, spoken of. She merely “shudders,” inchoate and sexualized. Her original interpretation of the historical emblem of Marianne is diminished, to be sure, by the spectacle of undressing before a drunken, hooting crowd.

The debate community is Cuba – refusing to discuss the aff is commitment to ignoring the private sphere that upholds gendered violence
Lundgren, 12 - Ph.D. in Cultural Anthropology from Uppsala University, Professor at the Institute of Latin American Studies at Stockholm University (Silje, “Shaking that ass: Reggaetón as an embodiment of “low culture” to mark difference and privilege in contemporary Havana,” Serie HAINA VIII 2012, Bodies and Borders in Latin America, http://liu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:584258/FULLTEXT01)//HAL
Gendered violence Let me now turn to the question of how to understand Zusel’s suggestion that Tania wanted a machote, a macho boyfriend, together with her sudden revelation that Tania’s boyfriend beat her. I would argue that both these characterizations play a crucial role in a process of othering. Zusel’s statements play on a common stereotype held among my relatively privileged interlocutors that lower-class women, due to their ascribed “low cultural level,” want men who are dominant to the extent that they beat women. In 2005 I interviewed Marilú, a woman in her mid-twenties, who elaborated on this point. In our interview we sat pondering the question of whether machismo was changing among younger generations. Marilú suddenly interrupted our discussion and argued: I don’t know, people of a lower level, people like that, who haven’t studied, those men are more machista, like that, you see? I don’t know if you have noticed it here, but I’ve been out and I’ve seen men who hit women, in front of everyone, punching them and everything. And you’re like, what’s up with that? But not everyone’s like that. … I think that often it’s not so much the man’s fault, because if you’re there, it’s because you want to be there, because you like being punched, that you like the man to be like that. Silje: So you mean that women are machista…? Marilú: If a woman is together with a man who is machista, it’s because she is a masochist, she likes it. Because a man who raises his hand to you, the first day you do like this raising the flat of her hand to gesture stop, and that’s it, you see? He doesn’t even have to do that, you see? In a somewhat misplaced interruption of Marilú’s argument, I tried out a suggestion that was often repeated among my interlocutors, namely that women who are exposed to violence by their male partners “are more machista than the men who beat them,” because, it was argued, they want to be with a “real man” who beat them. Marilú’s argument was headed in a slightly different direction but in the end seemed to reach the same conclusion: women are beaten because they like it; they are “masochists.” The way Marilú wound up her argument could be read as a gesture of othering, as she suggested that “we,” she and I, would never accept being beaten, implying a contrast to the “masochist women.” This may also be read in line with Marilú’s initial argument when she suggested that machismo was a sign of a “lower cultural level.” This explanation of violence against women in heterosexual couple relationships was very common among my interlocutors. With an argument similar to Marilú’s, one middle-aged woman told me in an interview, “There are women whose husbands beat them, and still they stay with the man. And what, do they like it? They have to like it” (see also Lang 2009: 123). Sociologist Miriam Lang has analyzed gendered violence in Cuba in relation to the post-1959 practice of social control of the “private sphere” through the work of the neighborhood committees, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR). Lang shows that “specifically in cases of violence against women the actors of social control do not feel authorized to intervene in the citizen’s private sphere” and argues that “in Cuba, individual rights of women violated by their partners do not figure among the motives that motivate an intervention of state actors in the private sphere” (Lang 2009: 132, my translation). Interestingly, the local saying entre marido y mujer nadie se debe meter – between husband and wife nobody should interfere – is used by police officers not to interfere when women report abuse from their partners.5 Lang shows that when a woman is exposed to violence it is viewed by the police and representatives of the CDR as an individual problem (ibid.: 131). Moreover, the violence is considered her problem; it “is ‘privatized’ as a personal problem of the affected woman” (ibid.: 139, my translation). In cases when police or doctors intervene against domestic violence, these are considered interventions against problems of the public order or alcoholism (ibid.: 132). Domestic and sexual violence for a long time remained largely unaddressed within official discourse in Cuba.6 When addressed, it was often related to economic problems and crowded housing.7 At times, it has been formulated as a legacy of a capitalist past (Lang 2009: 133), and consequently it is argued that in Cuba, the problem of violence is considerably less than in the rest of the world (Lundgren 2003: 58; Proveyer Cervantes et al. 2010: 67). Miriam Lang argues that the prevalence of violence has been made invisible because the official discourse has related violence to women’s emancipation (Lang 2009: 133) and that recognition of this problem hence might question the achievements of the socialist revolution (ibid.: 134; see also Lundgren 2003: 58). These official explanations of gendered violence must be understood in relation to the general model of change underlying Cuban official discourse. Within this model, a generalized access to education and broad educational campaigns from above are thought to contribute to new and more “correct” values among the population, much in the same manner as the construction of sexual education. 

The perceived objectivity and neutrality in economic engagement is a tool of the phallic system. The embargo is symbolic of our desire for Cuba – we attempt to make Cuba the same as us – only recognizing sexual difference between Cuba and the United States and releasing our grip can we break down the phallus structure that upholds indifference
Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, “Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ‘Post-Phallic’ Era,” 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
This is the United States as I see it today—a white headless body of indecipherable sex and gender cloaked in the flag and daggered with a queer dildo harnessed to its midsection. This figure finds its global footing on Caribbean islands and its hegemonic identity reflected in the Caribbean Sea. Both foreign foundational formations—land and sea—fool the U.S. body politic that its stands for all of America. It is America’s caped crusader. It is an American body politic. Cartoonlike in its heroic pose, it stands ready for action of whatever sort in what ever locale. My (“post”)hegemonic “America” emerges from a story of con quest, loss, and recovery long played out in U.S. foreign policy but one that reached a critical anticlimax in U.S.—Caribbean relations between 1959 and 1994. During this period, a masculinized United States “lost” its Caribbean reward for hemispheric valor in the Spanish- American War—the feminized Cuba, its symbolic object of desire. Playing a role in the U.S. imaginary as a sort of trophy mistress, Cuba was the near colony and certain feminine complement the United States relied on to forestall any pending midlife/hegemonic masculine identity crisis. The United States liaison with Cuba evidenced U.S. supreme dominance in the Caribbean. But hegemonic crisis came nonetheless, in the form of the Cuban Revolution of 1959. This revolution, led by Fidel Castro, grafted Castro’s hypermasculinity onto the iconic femininity of prerevolutionary Cuba. The effect of the Cuba/Castro pairing was not to cancel out Cuba’s symbolic femininity and overwrite it with a rebellious masculinity. Rather, both aspects of Cuba’s gendered identity—iconic femininity and hypermasculinity—survived with a vengeance, reengendering Cuba with a mixed identity best described as a “U.S.O. — Unidentified Sexual Object” (BIMBOX 2; quoted in Berlant and Freeman, 1993: 221). Misreading Castro and Castro’s Cuba, the United States misrecognized the mixed gender of Cuba and continued to pursue Cuba as an idealized feminine object, even once its mistress had grown a beard. “Well, nobody’s perfect” was the only reply the United States uttered to Castro’s Cuba in 1959, because to say anything else would have been to bring its own hegemonic masculinity into question. But even this strategy undermined the U.S. position because the chosen object of U.S. desire was not who the U.S. hoped to see when it looked to Cuba. Cuba the trophy mistress turned out to be no trophy at all in the straight symbolic economy of U.S. foreign policy because this mistress was also a mister. Confronted with the “realities” of Cuba, the United States seemingly faced two options: either a symbolic castration—a loss of phallic power coded as an inability to produce meaning that resulted from a lack of a feminine object in which to “express” its masculine identity—or a queering/nonnormalizing of its subjectivity if it retained Cuba the U.S.O. as its object of desire (Warner, 1993: vvi—xxxi). Whether it could not find its phallus or the only phallus it could find was a fake (and eventually queer) one, the U.S. encounter with Castro’s Cuba ushered the United States into a “post-phallic” era—an era in which U.S. hegemonic/phallic authority had been critically transformed. Since its initial encounter with Castro’s Cuba, the United States has been struggling to reclaim a normalized hegemonic masculinity by (re)covering its losses. As a result, U.S. policy toward the Caribbean has consisted of a series of displacements of castration or castration culinity by queering U.S. subjectivity. Whereas previously the United States turned a blind eye to the “realities” of Cuba, since the 1960s the United States has avoided its own “realities,” insisting on not see ing either itself as castrated or the queer compensatory strategies that enable it to appear “straight.” Having originally misread Cuba, the United States now misreads itself (something it is well practiced in; see LaFeber, 1994). Three strategies have dominated U.S. foreign policy misreadings and projections of itself toward the Caribbean in the aftermath of its encounter with Cuba: sheer denial in its invasion of the Dominican Republic that the United States ever suffered a symbolic castration; straight and queer simulations of phallic power in Grenada and Panama, respectively; and male masquerade in which the United States embraced its symbolic castration by symbolically cross-dressing in order both to guard itself against castration and to simulate phallic power as it did in Haiti. Since 1959, then, the United States has been “faking it”—”it” being a straight/normalized masculine hegemonic identity and the phallic power (ability to produce meaning that comes with such an identity. Although the United States has been faking it in and beyond the Caribbean, its Caribbean compensations go to the “root” of the U.S. identity crisis. The Caribbean is the location to which the United the Caribbean links “the discourse of myth with the discourse of history; or even, the discourse of resistance with the language of power” (Benítez-Rojo, 1992: 4). It is where U.S. “white rhythms,” rhythms that “are narcissistic rhythms, obsessed with their own legitimation,” encounter Caribbean “copper, black, and yellow rhythms.” These lat ter rhythms, when compared to the supposedly colorless U.S. ones, “appear as turbulent and erratic,. . . as eruptions of gases and lava that issue from an elemental stratum, still in formation” (ibid., 26). Although U.S. foreign policy always narrates its encounter with the Caribbean from its own standpoint—reading myth through history and resistance through power—it is the tension generated from the encounter of contradictory narratives that defy synthesis that makes the U.S. story possible; for without the Caribbean narratives of myth and resistance, U.S. foreign policy narratives of the region would be those of the automatic march of time and the use of power for its own sake. “LAIn argument that sees in the biological, economic, and cultural whitening of Caribbean society a series of successive steps toward ‘progress’” (ibid.) requires some place, people, and time at/ on)in which its story may unfold. The United States requires the Caribbean in order to be itself. The link between U.S. hegemonic identity and Caribbean stability is at least as old as the Monroe Doctrine, an 1823 proclamation by President Monroe linking U.S. security with a hemispheric system of governance free of monarchical power or further colonization by Eu ropean monarchies. The president declared, “The political system of the allied power (of Europe known as the Holy Alliancej is essen tially different. . . from that of America. ... jWle should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety” (quoted in Chayes, 1974: 116). Mixed with various corollaries over the years and mythologized into a strategic doctrine that long outlived the Holy Alliance against which it was aimed, the Monroe Doctrine has become a vital aspect of the “Americas myth.” This myth holds, among other things, that “Itihe Western Hemisphere is the geographic tabula rasa on which God (Prov idence, History) demonstrates civilization’s advance through agents un derstood to be the descendants of Europeans”; that “tjhe content of this advance is freedom and progress”; and that “the United States of America is where this project first began and where it still excels” (Kenworthy, 1995: 18). Because, in the U.S. view, the “United States is the vanguard of a hemisphere that, following its leadership, is a van guard region of the world” (ibid.), instability in the Caribbean Basin, the myth continues, may constrain U.S. global performance and the U.S. ability to act as a world power, a world leader, a global hegemon. If only the “whirlpool” (Pastor, 1992) that is the Caribbean could be calmed into a tranquil reflective/projecting surface — into a “faithful, polished mirror” (Irigaray, 1985a: 27) or stable screen—then this femininely engendered Caribbean Sea turned U.S. pond could dutifully reflect/simulate U.S. subjectivity as hegemonically masculine. In its search for hegemonic masculinity, the American body poli tic’s Caribbean compensations often parallel its non-Caribbean con cerris. Caribbean cases could be paired with other U.S. concerns, read ing, for example, the Cuban case in the context of the Cold War generally, the Dominican invasion as “Vietnam writ small” (Wiarda, 1975: 835), Grenada as a simulated success in light of the failures in Lebanon and Nicaragua, Panama as a preface to the Persian Gulf War and Haiti as a diplomatic success to balance out the diplomatic fail ures in Bosnia. In this regard, a Caribbean context connects without canceling out the various disjointed gestures of the United States to assert its global hegemonic identity, even as hegemonic identity (like all identity) becomes increasingly illusory. The trauma of U.S. hegemonic loss—and various guises used to overcome it—are expressed in my imaginary image of America. Amer ica’s body politic has been decapitated. Headlessness marks its Caribbean castration. As Marjorie Garber reminds us, “in ... the logic behind Freud’s reading of the Medusa, ‘face’ and ‘penis’ become symbolic al ternatives for one another” (1992: 247). Losing one’s head, then, is the symbolic equivalent of losing (the function of) one’s penis and the phallic power that is supposed to accompany it. Left headless and thus voiceless, the United States no longer can be assured the last word in global affairs. Its self-appointed international role as keeper and enforcer of the law of the father is now in jeopardy. Additionally, this faceless figure allows—indeed, insists on—a slippage between some imaginary America and a dual notion of Amer- slippage between some imaginary America and a dual notion of Amer icans (U.S. citizens and hemispheric citizens). Lauren Berlant suggests that “the experience of identity might be personal and private, but its forms are always ‘collective’ and political” (1991: 3). The unoccupied space at the top of this torso is reminiscent of a carnival cutout that instructs the user to “put your head here.” America’s body politic can and must be worn by every American—U.S. and other—for an imaginary America constructs the identities of all Americans but seemingly belongs to no American in particular. This is among the ways in which the hegemonic reach of the United States appears to be benign. America’s Caribbean traumas, then, are traumas experienced by every American in the hemisphere. When putting on America’s imaginary body, Americans blend into the supposedly colorless corporeality of the United States—whiteness, a hegemonic hue that is “everythìng and nothing... Land that both disappears behind and is subsumed into other identities” (Dyer, 1988: 45—46). Over their transparent tinge, they dress themselves in the U.S. flag. Yet this latter mark of patriotism crosses out/over the mark of gender. Clothed in the flag, Americans participate in “a masquerade that smudges the clarity of gender” (Berlant and Freeman, 1993: 193) for their individual bodies and for the American body politic. What is the gender of the American body politic? This is un decidable. It is a mystery draped in a flag. The flag functions as a veil that conceals America’s bodily “facts.” Unlike the Lacanian veil that ensures the potency of the phallus, the U.S. flag worn as “dress” red, white, and blue unveils a question—does America have the phallus? This question arises from another slip, this time between flag and fag. This figure of America is costumed for international action, standing as it is on Caribbean islands, ready to execute its duties in some foreign locale. The presumption of gendered readings of inter national politics has long been that sovereign bodies acting in inter national affairs are male (Elshtain, 1987). Read through that suppo sition, this American body is in drag. It is not just any caped crusader but a man in a dress. As such, it is doubly marked by both the pres ence of the phallus (this is a man who has a penis and therefore could wield the phallus) and the absence of the phallus (this is a man in a dress). Although male cross-dressing and homosexuality need not imply one another, in the United States male transvestites very often are called fags, a term connoting a dephallusized other. The leaps in logic bound up in this series of assumptions about the international display of the U.S. f(l)ag seem to be tailor-made for the observation that “the radical spectacle of the body’s rendezvous with the flag has seemed to yoke unlike things together” (Berlant and Freeman, 1993: 220). Which brings us to the “yoke” of another sort that joins to gether the flag and a silicone supplement. Our caution as to a queer reading of this figure now seems to be inappropriate for the Ameri can body politic has strapped on a lavender dildo. As the Queer Na tion colored map of the United States reminds us, red, white and blue blend to produce lavender, “a shocking new shade of queer” (ibid., 205). This strategic harnessing of queer sexuality at the intersections of America’s global and sexual identities (re)covers America’s interna tional phallic power while at the same time throwing its normalized masculine hegemonic identity into crisis. America’s body politic seems to accept its symbolic castration and proudly displays the “adjustment” it has made that readies it for international action. In so doing, it boldly returns the question of its own phallic power, daring international others to guess as to the status and function of its member(s). Yet it is critically important what the American body politic’s acceptance of its symbolic castration does not accept, what a rephallu sized United States must not recognize—the queerness of its “member.” This is precisely what the turbulent history of U.S.—Caribbean relations threatens to reveal; for while U.S. foreign policy attempts to calm the Caribbean region—to stabilize it by feminizing it so it can act as a tranquil reflective surface or projection screen in/onto which the United States might see its hegemonic masculinity reflected/simulated back to it—the Caribbean resists these stabilizing attempts. Whether this is by revolutionary upheavals, the introduction of foreign/com munist elements, or the unpredictable mixing of colors, contexts, and challenges to U.S. policies, the Caribbean Sea as the Caribbean “See” (mirror) or “Screen” (surface for projection) always reveals more than the United States wishes to notice. Both what the United States longs to discover and what the Carib bean Sea/See/Screen offers up for viewing are expressed in my imagi nary image of America. What the United States recognizes in the Ca ribbean is its own hegemonic image mirrored/projected back to it. This is represented in the individual reflection/simulation of each of the colors of the U.S. flag, colors that do not run in the U.S. imagi nary of the Caribbean Sea/SedScreen as a passive surface but that do run on the American body politic to create the lavender dudo. In its imaginary, the United States can use queer strategies to rephallusize itself without ever having to “come out” to itself. But notice the edge of this reflection/simulation—where the U.S. f(I)ag meets the Caribbean Sea/See/Screen. Here the “real” that the United States must exclude ¡n order to remain hegemonic is mirrored! projected back to it. On this viewing, the Caribbean Sea/See/Screen is not a passive surface. Rather, it disrupts U.S. hegemony because it con fronts the United States with the horror of the visible, the horror of the real, the horror of its own lack and strapped-on queer accessory. Faking It fleshes out the story this picture tells. It does so by foregrounding the figurai aspects of recent U.S.—Caribbean relations, specifically as they are related to sex, gender, and sexuality. In so do- ¡ng, it embodies profane treatments of “honorable” institutions (such as the presidency) and humorous analyses of “dishonorable” acts (bloody military interventions read as rapes). Yet the political impli cations of this reading should not be overlooked. By attending to these aspects of U.S. foreign policy discourse, Faking It focuses on a ne glected feature of what enables events such as military interventions to occur and what their effects are on institutions such as the presi dency and engendered representations of hegemonic subjectivity. It is not meant to divert attention away from other political implications of these foreign policy discourses; rather, in accordance with feminist readings of politics, ir attempts to explode the very notion of politics through a strategic use of laughter. As Mikhail Bakhtin noted, “Laughter liberates not only from ex ternal censorship but first of all from the great interior censor” (quoted in Edelman, 1988: 128). Laughter defamiliarizes discourses and events for their readers, giving readers license to disobey common expectations about what meanings a given text ought to generate. Attention is drawn to subtexts and double meanings embedded in texts. By “Liberating” the interpretation of a text from the sole domain of its author’s intentions, texts are remotivated with plural interpretations. Reading U.S. hegemony in this way is an attempt to illustrate “how feminists may read patriarchal texts against the grain, so that they may be actively worked upon and strategically harnessed for purposes for which they were not intended” (Grosz, 1995: 142; my emphasis).

Haley and I are asked to defend a removal of the embargo – this task is fundementally impossible without looking to the embargo in place against us – against women.  
The Role of The Ballot is who best performatively and methodologically removes the embargo against women in debate. Lifting the embargo to provide and embody a methodology that confronts male oppression is a starting point to understanding the foundation of US economic engagement with Cuba.
An ethics of sexual difference forms the basis for all encounters.  We must recognize that our sex means we can never complete ourselves as representative of humans, we can only encompass half of humanity at best.  This originary ethics is foundational.
Schwab 98 (Gail, Diacritics 28.1, p 76-92, sexual difference as model:  an ethics for the global future, project muse)
For Irigaray, the way out of the impasse is through the labor of the negative, conceived not as the negation of otherness within the Subject-Object relation, but as the relation between two sexually different subjects. Using one's gender as a reference point, one must inevitably come to recognize that one can only represent at most half of the human experience. Irigaray writes: Recognizing one's own identity sexed, that is (for Irigaray, there is no identity outside of sexed identity) is already a sign of overcoming instinctual and egological immediacy by the recognition of the negative in the self. "I am sexed" implies "I am not all." Identifying myself with my gender amounts to entering the world of mediation, if I recognize the existence of the other gender. J'aime à toi 91  "I am not all" establishes a negative at the core of existence, a negative that is constitutive of subjectivity. This negative has been occulted, negated in fact, in the economy of the Western philosophical Subject, the economy of the totalized One. Irigaray now negates this negation, affirms the negative foundation of subjectivity in sexual difference, and seeks mediations for bringing the negative into culture. That is what sexual difference is End Page 81 all about, despite myriad misconceptions; it is not about predetermined, stereotypical ("fossilized," as Irigaray writes) identities for heterosexual couples, but rather about coming to the other through the recognition of the negative in the self. The "'I am not all' because 'I am sexed'" limits all individuals in their relations with all others. Sexual difference becomes the basis for ethical relations in general--between men and men, between women and women, between women and men--through the recognition of the limits of the Self. In sexual difference, the experience of the negative leads to a joyous access to the other, to noninstinctive, non-drive-based relations: to true intersubjectivity. If "the principle of morality and of ethics consists concretely in the respect for real difference" J'aime à toi 92, then sexual difference can become the model for all differences and play an educative role in human relations. In order for a truly ethical intersubjective relation to take place, the subject must renounce his or her exclusive claims to personhood, knowledge, and truth and give up the expectation of imposing her or his will on another being or on the world. The subject must come to recognize that she or he represents not all but only part of the human experience. Not to do so is to constitute the individual subject as "one, solipsistic, egocentric, and potentially imperialist" 84--that is, quite literally willing to dominate, manipulate, or eliminate others and other cultures, to pretend that they do not exist, except as sources of power and income for the Subject. Irigaray has written that "the relation between a man and a woman is paradigmatic; it is the ultimate foundation of communication, the generative and creative space" 82. The foregoing is exactly the type of statement by Irigaray that gets misinterpreted as a glorification of heterosexuality. However, what Irigaray is talking about is not heterosexuality, but sexual difference. It is not at all the same thing. Sexual difference is a recognition and cultivation of the negative in subjectivity that founds ethically principled human relations. It is as a model for an ethics based on the labor of the negative that the relation between a man and a woman becomes the generative and creative space par excellence, the ultimate foundation of communication. It is in that way that the relation between a man and a woman becomes a paradigm, and not as some sort of prescriptive norm for a sexual orientation leading to heterosexual desire and eventually to reproduction. Irigaray, in fact, consistently foregrounds the unethical character of drive-based motivations in human relations, as well as the noncreative character of relationships oriented toward reproductive goals. Irigaray has wondered whether we are currently able to think creatively at all, given that the "logical and grammatical instruments" at our disposal allow us to reason but block ("barre") us from thinking J'aime à toi 67. She conceives the idea of the negative as sexual difference as the path to follow in order to find new meanings, new concepts, and new intellectual instruments capable of breaking us out of the closed circle of "entrenched signification which refuses to question its own status," out of the prison house of the "nonsense of instituted sense," thus permitting us to move beyond the master/slave dialectic in human relations, as well as the philosophical binaries of universal/particular, passive/active, nature/spirit, nature/culture, and object/subject 90-91. Through the labor of the negative we are able to overcome what she calls "certain oppositions necessary to the dialectic of a unique and solipsistic subject" 90. To present her philosophical arguments here in their entirety would be impossible, but it is useful to explain briefly that if each subject takes gender as a reference point and recognizes his or her limits within gender, then each subject carries within her- or himself the universal of gender and the particular of his or her own experience; the activity or subjectivity of his or her own individual pour soi, and the passivity or objectivity of belonging to a gender; the relation to nature and materiality through gender, along with the possibility of creating cultural and spiritual mediations appropriate within the limitations of gender. The mind/body binary is no longer conceived as splitting down the fault line of gender. That is to say that, according to the principle of the negative as sexual difference, man is no longer End Page 82 the head for the body that is woman; he is no longer the divine principle planing over the animal feminine 66: "Thus the function of the negative will be different. It becomes the recognition of the limits, including the natural ones, of the self and of the spirit. The negative is then no longer in the power of men alone, and it is not they who control it" 99. The labor of the negative is no longer an exclusively male operation aimed at the manipulation and appropriation of the object by the subject. The negative is in each of us as the finitude of gender, and its activity plays out in the space between differently constituted subjects.

The 1AC is a prerequiste to the topic – absent challenging the phallus, knowledge of Latin America is controlled by men
Stavans, 95 – Lewis-Sebring Professor in Latin American and Latino Culture at Amherst, Ph.D. from Columbia University  (Ilan, “The Latin Phallus,” Transition, Indiana University Press, W.E.B. Du Bois Institute, JSTOR)HAL
Let me map the ambitions of my little book by starting at the beginning. The Iberian knights that crossed the Atlantic, unlike their Puritan counterparts in the British Colonies, were fortune-driven bachelors. They did not come to settle down. As Cortes wrote to Charles V in his Cartas de Relacion, the first conquis- tadors were trash: rough, uneducated peo- ple from lowly origins. Their mission was to expand the territorial and symbolic powers of the Spanish crown; their ambition in the new continent was to find gold and pleasure. And pleasure they took in the bare-breasted Indian women, whom they raped at will and then abandoned. A violent eroticism was a fundamental element in the colonization of the Hispanic world, from Macchu Picchu to Chichen Itza and Uxmal. The primal scene of the clash with the Spaniards is a still-unhealed rape: the phallus, as well as gunpowder, was a crucial weapon used to subdue. Machismo as a cultural style endlessly rehearses this humiliating episode in the history of the Americas, imitating the vi- olent swagger of the Spanish conquerors. (This, despite the Indian legends that Cortes was the owner of a tiny, ridiculous penis.) The hypocrisy of the Church played a role as well. Although the priesthood bore witness to the rapacious sexuality of the Spanish soldiery, fingieron demencia: they pretended to be elsewhere. Simul- taneously, they reproduced the medieval hierarchy of the sexes that prevailed in Europe: man as lord and master, woman as servant and reproductive machine. In his insightful book Demons in the Convent, the journalist and anthropologist Fernan- do Benitez eloquently described how the Church in the seventeenth century estab- lished an atmosphere of repressed eroti- cism. The archbishop of Mexico City, Aguiar y Seijas, a demonic man who walked with crutches and nourished a thousand phobias, detested women: they were not allowed in his presence. If, in a convent or monastery, a nun walked in front of him, he would ipsofacto cover his eyes. Only men were worthy of his sight-men and Christ. ted women: they were not allowed in his presence. If, in a convent or monastery, a nun walked in front of him, he would ipsofacto cover his eyes. Only men were worthy of his sight-men and Christ. In the religious paraphernalia of the Caribbean, Mexico, and South America, Jesus and the many saints appear almost totally unclothed, covering only their private parts with what in Spanish is known as taparrabo; whereas the Virgen de Guadalupe, the Virgen de la Caridad, the Virgen del Cobre, and a thousand other incarnations of the Virgin Mary are fully dressed. In a milieu where eroticism reigns, my volume on the Latin phallus is obviously far from original. In Oscar Hijuelos's Pu- litzer prize-winning novel The Mambo Kings Play Songs of Love (1989), the male organ plays a crucial, obsessive role. The narrative is a sideboard of sexual roles in the Hispanic world. Nestor and Cesar Castillo, Cuban expatriates and musicians in New York City, personify Don Quix- ote and Sancho Panza: one is an outgoing idealist, the other an introverted materi- alist. Throughout Nestor's erotic adven- tures, Hijuelos refers to the penis as la cosa: the thing. Its power is hypnotic, totemic even: when men call on women to undo their trousers, women reach down without looking to unfasten their lover's buttons. The novel's libidinal voyeurism even extends to incestual scenes, like the one in which Delores, Hijuelos' female protagonist, finds herself in touch with her father's sexuality. In imitation of her mother in Havana, De- lores would cook for her father, making do with what she couldfind at the market in those days of war rationing. One night she wanted to surprise him. After he had taken to his bed, she made some caramel-glazed flan, cooked up a pot ofgood cofee, and happily made her way down the narrow hallway with a tray of the quivering flan. Pushing open the door, she found herfather asleep, naked, and in a state of extreme sexual arousal. Terrified and unable to move, she pretended that he was a statue, though his chest heaved and his lips stirred, as if conversing in a dream.... He with his sufferingface, it, hispenis, enormous.... The funny thing was that, despite herfear, Delores wanted to pick up his thing and pull it like a lever; she wanted to lie down beside him and put her hand down there, releasing himfrom pain. She wanted him to wake up; she didn't want him to wake up. In that moment, which she would always remember, shefelt her soul blacken as if she hadjust committed a terrible sin and condemned herself to the darkest room in hell. She expected to turn around andfind the devil himself standing beside her, a smile on his sootyface, saying, "Welcome to Amer- ica." For a culture as steeped in sexuality as our own, it is strange that the substance of our masculine identity remains a forbidden topic. We are terrified of exposing the labyrinthine paths of our unexplained desire, of engaging in what the Mexican essayist and poet Octavio Paz once called "the shameful art of abrirse"-opening up and losing control, admitting our inse- curities, allowing ourselves to be exposed, unprotected, unsafe. We are not Puritans; our bodies are not the problem. It is the complicated, ambiguous pathways of our desire that are too painful to bear. We have adopted the armature of our Spanish conquerors: Hispanic men are machos, dominating figures, rulers, conquista- dors-and also, closeted homosexuals. In The Labyrinth of Solitude, Paz has been one of the lonely few to criticize male sexu- ality: The macho commits... unforeseen acts that produce confusion, horror and destruction. He opens the world; in doing so, he rips and tears it, and this violence provokes a great, sinister laugh. And in its own way, it is just: it re- established the equilibrium and puts things in theirplace, by reducing them to dust, to misery, to nothingness. Unlike men, Hispanic women are in- deed forced to open up. And they are made to pay for their openness: they are often accused of impurity and adulteration, sin- fulness and infidelity. We inhabitants of the Americas live in a nest of comple- menting stereotypes: on one side, flam- boyant women, provocative, well-built, sensual, lascivious, with indomitable, even bestial nerve and intensity; on the other, macho men. Both seemingly revolve around the phallus, an object of intense adoration, the symbol of absolute power and satisfaction. It is the source of the macho's self-assurance and control, sexual and psychological, and the envy of the Hispanic woman. Our names for the pe- nis are legion; besides the parajito of Cher- rie Moraga's boxer-short reverie, it goes by cornamusa, embutido,flauta,fusta, garrote, lanza, masta, miembro viril, pelon, peloncito, pene, pinga, plantano, priapo, pudendo, tesoro, tolete, tranca, verga, and zurriago, among many others. Where to begin describing the mul- tiple ramifications of the adoration of the phallus among Hispanics? In the Carib- bean, mothers rub a male baby's penis to relax him, to force him out of a tantrum. In Mexico the charros (guasos in Chile, gauchos in Argentina) are legendary rural outlaws, independent and lonely men. Their masculine adventures, clashes with corrupt landowners and politicos, live on through border ballads, known in the U.S.-Mexican border as corridos, and pay- adores, a type of South American minstrel who accompanies himself with a guitar. (The fantastic no-budget film El Mariachi is a revision of this cultural myth.) The Latin man and his penis are at the center of the Hispanic universe. Ironically, more than one rebellious Hispanic artist, in- cluding Andres Serrano, has equated the Latin penis to the crucifix. Which helps understand what is perhaps the greatest contradiction in Hispanic male sexuality: our machismo, according to the dictionary an exaggerated sense of masculinity stressing such attributes as courage, virility, and domination. Take bullfighting, an erotic event like no other, supremely parodied in Pedro Almodovar's film Mat- ador. Where else can the male strike such provocative sexual poses? Carlos Fuentes described the sport in his book The Buried Mirror: "The effrontery of the suit of lights, its tight-hugging breeches, the flaunting of the male sexual organ, the importance given to the buttocks, the ob- viously seductive and self-appraising stride, the lust for blood and sensation- the bullfight authorizes this incredible arrogance and sexual exhibitionism." Es- sentially bestial, the corrida de toros is a quasi-religious ceremony unifying beau- Consensual sex is an unworthy challenge for the aspiring macho ty, sex, and death. The young bullfighter, an idol, is asked to face with grace and stamina the dark forces of nature sym- bolized in the bull. His sword is a phallic instrument. A renaissance knight mod- eled after Amadis de Gaula or Tirant Lo Blanc and parodied by Don Quixote, he will first subdue and then kill. Viva el macho! Blood will be spilled and ecstasies will arrive when the animal lies dead, at which point the bullfighter will take his hat off before a beautiful lady and smile. Man will prevail, the phallus remains all powerful, and the conqueror will be showered with red flowers. 

All women are prisoners of patriarchy – new strategies outside of the state are crucial in preventing complacency within the system that prioritizes masculine politics that leave women in captivity. We find ourselves targeted by an institution far too comfortable with its abuse of power. This violence is not hidden or perpetrated away from the scope of politics, the public sphere actively assumes a neutral political subject, making the female body invisible
Fraser 90
Nancy Fraser. Rethinking the Public Sphere. Social Text. No 25/26.
Now, let me juxtapose to this sketch of Habermas's account an alternative account that I shall piece together from some recent revisionist historiography. Briefly, scholars like Joan Landes, Mary Ryan, and Geoff Eley contend that Habermas's account idealizes the liberal public sphere. They argue that, despite the rhetoric of publicity and accessibility, that official public sphere rested on, indeed was importantly constituted by, a number of significant exclusions. For Landes, the key axis of exclusion is gender; she argues that the ethos of the new republican public sphere in France was constructed in deliberate opposition to that of a more woman- friendly salon culture that the republicans stigmatized as "artificial," "effeminate," and "aristocratic." Consequently, a new, austere style of public speech and behavior was promoted, a style deemed "rational," "virtuous," and "manly." In this way, masculinist gender constructs were built into the very conception of the republican public sphere, as was a logic that led, at the height of Jacobin rule, to the formal exclusion from political life of women.4 Here the republicans drew on classical traditions that cast femininity and publicity as oxymorons; the depth of such traditions can be gauged in the etymological connection between "public" and "pubic," a graphic trace of the fact that in the ancient world possession of a penis was a requirement for speaking in public. (A similar link is preserved, incidentally, in the etymological connection between "testimony" and "testicle.")5 Extending Landes's argument, Geoff Eley contends that exclusion are operations were essential to liberal public spheres not only in France but also in England and Germany, and that in all these countries gender exclusions were linked to other exclusions rooted in processes of class formation. In all these countries, he claims, the soil that nourished the liberal public sphere was "civil society," the emerging new congeries of voluntary associations that sprung up in what came to be known as "the age of societies." But this network of clubs and associations-philanthropic, civic, professional, and cultural-was anything but accessible to everyone. On the contrary, it was the arena, the training ground, and eventually the power base of a stratum of bourgeois men, who were coming to see themselves as a "universal class" and preparing to assert their fitness to govern. Thus, the elaboration of a distinctive culture of civil society and of an associated public sphere was implicated in the process of bourgeois class formation; its practices and ethos were marker of "distinction" in Pierre Bourdieu's sense,6 ways of defining an emerge elite, setting it off from the older aristocratic elites it was intent on displacing, on the one hand, and from the various popular and plebeian strata it aspired to rule, on the other. This process of distinction, more over, helps explain the exacerbation of sexism characteristic of the liberal public sphere; new gender norms enjoining feminine domesticity and a sharp separation of public and private spheres functioned as key signifier of bourgeois difference from both higher and lower social strata. It is a measure of the eventual success of this bourgeois project that these norms later became hegemonic, sometimes imposed on, sometimes embraced by, broader segments of society.7 Now, there is a remarkable irony here, one that Habermas's account of the rise of the public sphere fails fully to appreciate.s A discourse of publicity touting accessibility, rationality, and the suspension of status hierarchies is itself deployed as a strategy of distinction. Of course, in and of itself, this irony does not fatally compromise the discourse of publicity; that discourse can be, indeed has been, differently deployed in different circumstances and contexts. Nevertheless, it does suggest that the relationship between publicity and status is more complex than Habermas intimates, that declaring a deliberative arena to be a space where extant status distinctions are bracketed and neutralized is not sufficient to make it so.

Patriarchy turns all impacts
Ray in 1997
A. E. Ray “The Shame of it: gender-based terrorism in the former Yugoslavia and the failureof international human rights law to comprehend the injuries.” The American University Law Review. Vol 46.  
In order to reach all of the violence perpetrated against the women of the former Yugoslavia that is not committed by soldiers or other officials of the state, human lights law must move beyond its artificially constructed barriers between "public" and "private" actions: A feminist perspective on human rights would require a rethinking of the notions of imputability and state responsibility and in this sense would challenge the most basic assumptions of international law. If violence against women were considered by the international legal system to be as shocking as violence against people for their political ideas, women would have considerable support in their struggle.... The assumption that underlies all law, including international human rights law, is that the public/private distinction is real: human society, human lives can be separated into two distinct spheres. This division, however, is an ideological construct rationalizing the exclusion of women from the sources of power. 2 6 The international community must recognize that violence against women is always political, regardless of where it occurs, because it affects the way women view themselves and their role in the world, as well as the lives they lead in the so-called public sphere. 2 6 ' When women are silenced within the family, their silence is not restricted to the private realm, but rather affects their voice in the public realm as well, often assuring their silence in any environment. 262 For women in the former Yugoslavia, as well as for all women, extension beyond the various public/private barriers is imperative if human rights law "is to have meaning for women brutalized in less-known theaters of war or in the by-ways of daily life." 63 Because, as currently constructed, human rights laws can reach only individual perpetrators during times of war, one alternative is to reconsider our understanding of what constitutes "war" and what constitutes "peace. " " When it is universally true that no matter where in the world a woman lives or with what culture she identifies, she is at grave risk of being beaten, imprisoned, enslaved, raped, prostituted, physically tortured, and murdered simply because she is a woman, the term "peace" does not describe her existence. 2 5 In addition to being persecuted for being a woman, many women also are persecuted on ethnic, racial, religious, sexual orientation, or other grounds. Therefore, it is crucial that our re-conceptualization of human rights is not limited to violations based on gender." Rather, our definitions of "war" and "peace" in the context of all of the world's persecuted groups should be questioned. Nevertheless, in every culture a common risk factor is being a woman, and to describe the conditions of our lives as "peace" is to deny the effect of sexual terrorism on all women. 6 7 Because we are socialized to think of times of "war" as limited to groups of men fighting over physical territory or land, we do not immediately consider the possibility of "war" outside this narrow definition except in a metaphorical sense, such as in the expression "the war against poverty." However, the physical violence and sex discrimination perpetrated against women because we are women is hardly metaphorical. Despite the fact that its prevalence makes the violence seem natural or inevitable, it is profoundly political in both its purpose and its effect. Further, its exclusion from international human rights law is no accident, but rather part of a system politically constructed to exclude and silence women. 2 6 The appropriation of women's sexuality and women's bodies as representative of men's ownership over women has been central to this "politically constructed reality. 2 6 9 Women's bodies have become the objects through which dominance and even ownership are communicated, as well as the objects through which men's honor is attained or taken away in many cultures.Y Thus, when a man wants to communicate that he is more powerful than a woman, he may beat her. When a man wants to communicate that a woman is his to use as he pleases, he may rape her or prostitute her. The objectification of women is so universal that when one country ruled by men (Serbia) wants to communicate to another country ruled by men (Bosnia-Herzegovina or Croatia) that it is superior and more powerful, it rapes, tortures, and prostitutes the "inferior" country's women. 2 71 The use of the possessive is intentional, for communication among men through the abuse of women is effective only to the extent that the group of men to whom the message is sent believes they have some right of possession over the bodies of the women used. Unless they have some claim of right to what is taken, no injury is experienced. Of course, regardless of whether a group of men sexually terrorizing a group of women is trying to communicate a message to another group of men, the universal sexual victimization of women clearly communicates to all women a message of dominance and ownership over women. As Charlotte Bunch explains, "The physical territory of the political struggle over female subordination is women's bodies." 7 2

Injecting sexed civic identities through a ballot is a precondition for solving patriarchy – the aff is the first step to end the embargo
Irigaray 2000 (Luce, “Democracy Begins Between Two” p.183-184)
Gaining access to civil identity, inscribing corre¬sponding positive rights in the codes and wanting to bring these about for ourselves and for all other women, is part of the work of women's liberation. This has priority as far as access to power is concerned. It is the first step towards democracy that has to be accom¬plished, and it remains the most crucial one. Exercising representation in the name of feminine identity, without ensuring the right and duty of each woman legally at the civil level, is useless. It does not work today in a European country and it will be even less valid shortly in the European Union. Rights appropriate to the feminine gender, rights which serve to mediate in the exercise of such a function, are indispensable if women are to be democratically represented. I fear that, unless this stage is achieved, women will become accomplices of an increase in authority and aggression which will not help the liberation of all women and even less of humanity. Quite the reverse!

Tournament: Glenbrooks | Round: 2 | Opponent: Bronx Science | Judge: Jon Sussman

The Cuban embargo is symbolic of our desire for Cuba – we attempt to make Cuba the same as us but we have turned Cuba into a queer dildo – The perceived objectivity and neutrality in economic engagement is a tool of the phallic system.

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
This is the United States as I see it today—a white headless body
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itself against castration and to simulate phallic power as it did in Haiti. 

The U.S. Cuban foreign policy is the standpoint of our global encounters - Only recognizing sexual difference between Cuba and the United States and releasing our grip can we break down the phallus structure that upholds indifference.

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
Since 1959, then, the United States has been "faking it"—"it
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were not intended" (Grosz, 1995: 142; my emphasis).

Knowledge of Latin America is controlled by men – only allowing the feminine in our discussion can we challenge the current phallocentric system

Stavans, 95 – Lewis-Sebring Professor in Latin American and Latino Culture at Amherst, Ph.D. from Columbia University  (Ilan, "The Latin Phallus," Transition, Indiana University Press, W.E.B. Du Bois Institute, JSTOR)HAL
Let me map the ambitions of my little book by starting at the beginning.
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remains all powerful, and the conqueror will be showered with red flowers. 

Just like Cuba and our foreign policy, non masculine identities in debate are forced into sameness yet we are not allowed to discuss this indifference. The phallic structure denies the feminine

Eisenberg in 2012
Stephanie Esienberg "Speaking from the Margins: Negotiating barriers to women’s participation and success in policy debate" San Francisco State.
Particular types of argument choices may affect the way participants experience a debate round.
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in debate that challenge their competitors and judges to a moment of reflexivity.  

The logic of phallocentrism structures the debate community – non masculine identities are forced into the androcentric economy of sameness in order to earn a place in debate and the failure to conform drives the exclusion of women from the activity.  The reproduction of the masculine subject position spillsover into your life after debate and supports it’s entrenchment across society

Griffin and Raider, 89 (J. Cinder and Holly Jane, "Women in High School Debate" http://groups.wfu.edu/debate/MiscSites/DRGArticles/Griffin26Raider1989PunishmentPar.htm)
’I don’t usually vote for girl debaters because debate really is a boy’s activity.
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expend team resources on her increases, assuming she overcomes the initial obstacles. 

The debate community is Cuba – refusing to discuss the aff is commitment to ignoring the private sphere that upholds gendered violence

Lundgren, 12 - Ph.D. in Cultural Anthropology from Uppsala University, Professor at the Institute of Latin American Studies at Stockholm University (Silje, "Shaking that ass: Reggaetón as an embodiment of "low culture" to mark difference and privilege in contemporary Havana," Serie HAINA VIII 2012, Bodies and Borders in Latin America, http://liu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:584258/FULLTEXT01)//HAL
Gendered violence Let me now turn to the question of how to understand Zusel’s suggestion
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population, much in the same manner as the construction of sexual education. 

This forces women to conform to the norm of masculinity

Rothfeld, 13 – Staff Columnist at The Dartmouth, Philosophy Major (Becca, "The Girl Who Magically Transcended/Overcame Her Femininity," Sept 25th, 2013, http://dmouth.com/blog/2013/9/25/the-girl-who-magically-transcendedovercame-her-femininity)//HAL
I don’t know quite how to tell a story like this, a story that
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to identify and therefore difficult to remedy, it warrants consideration and concern.

Cuban women have been excluded from the political realm. Women’s particular ways of knowing are ruled as illegitimate and useless.

Martinez, 9 – (Maria Del Carmen, ’’Her body was my country’’: Gender and Cuban-American exile-community nationalist identity in the work of Gustavo Perez Firmat," 2009, Palgrave Macmillan 1476-3435 Latino Studies Vol. 7, 3, 295–316)HAL
Moreover, Cuban exile identity has more often than not been constructed in deeply essentialist
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sure, by the spectacle of undressing before a drunken, hooting crowd.

Haley and I are asked to defend a removal of the embargo – this task is fundamentally impossible without looking to the embargo in place against us – against non-masculine identities. The United States federal government should lift the economic embargo against Cuba just as the debate community should lift the embargo against non-masculine identities. Haley and I reconceptualize Being starting with the fluidity of sexual difference as at least two. Lifting the embargo to provide and embody a methodology that confronts male oppression is a starting point to understanding the foundation of US economic engagement with Cuba.

Starting with difference as at least two recognizes we can only encompass half of humanity at best—this disrupts the hegemony of the masculine economy while avoiding critiques of essentialism

Cohoon 11 (Christopher; Prof Philosophy @ Stony Brook University; "The Ecological Irigaray?" Ecocritical Theory)
Returning to and Reinterpreting Nature Given that women have traditionally been considered both inferior because
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then, the cultural task of subjective becoming is simultaneously an ecological task. 

Inclusion of women recreates the phallocentric economy of the Same—the aff reformulates the political

Fermon 98 ~Nicole, Women on the Global Market: Irigaray and the Democratic State, Diacritics 28:1, p. 120-137~
Best known for her subtle interrogation of philosophy and psychoanalysis, Luce Irigaray clearly also
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critical to establishing an economy which honors and supports the practices of women.

Patriarchy turns all impacts

Ray in 1997
A. E. Ray "The Shame of it: gender-based terrorism in the former Yugoslavia and the failureof international human rights law to comprehend the injuries." The American University Law Review. Vol 46.  
In order to reach all of the violence perpetrated against the women of the former
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~ political struggle ~over female subordination~ is women’s bodies." 7 2

Suppression of sexual difference guarantees extinction and genocide

Irigaray, 1991, (Luce, Famous french scholar, The irigaray Reader, p.33)
Even a vaguely rigorous analysis of claims to equality shows that they are justified at
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stake is clearer today than it was when The Second Sex was written.

We may not be able to immediately enact federal policy, but we can change the community that we participate in.

Rebecca Bjork, former college debater, coach, and professor in ’93 (former college debater and former associate professor at the University of Utah, where she taught graduate and undergraduate courses in Communication and Women in Debate, Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle, Debater’s Research Guide 1992-1993: Wake Forest University.Symposium, web.archive.org/web/20011012220529/members.aol.com/womynindebate/article3.htm)
While reflecting on my experiences as a woman in academic debate in preparation for this
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do so, we give up the only real power that we have.

Tournament: Hopkins Cup | Round: 2 | Opponent: Eagan | Judge:
Contention 1 is Resources

Articifical photosynthesis solves food and water shortages and all conflict
Smith 11 (Deborah, Science Writer for the Sydney Morning Herald, Honours degree in physical chemistry from the University of Sydney, Sydney Morning Herald (Australia)  August 4, 2011 Thursday  First Edition  “The answer to everything,” SECTION: HEALTH and SCIENCE; Pg. 19, LexisNexis)
A clean source of fuel is just one of the promises held out by scientists
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or ship could produce its own fuel, minimising energy use in transport. 

Major food maldistribution coming in 2050 due to spike in population. Sustainable intensification is necessary
Associated Press 11 (“UN: farmers must produce 70 more food by 2050 to feed population”, November 28, 2011, The Guardian, http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2011/nov/28/un-farmers-produce-food-population)
The United Nations has completed the first global assessment of the state of the planet's
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to new technologies, pesticides and the introduction of high-yield crops. 

Food shortages cause extinction
Cribb 2010 (Julian, principal of JCA, fellow of the Australian Academy?of Technological Sciences and Engineering, “The Coming Famine: The?Global Food Crisis and What We Can Do to Avoid It”, pg 10)
The character of human conflict has also changed: since the early 1990s, more
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changes, because of the synergetic character of the things that power it. 

Water shortages coming --- causes instability
AFP 12, “World water crisis must be top UN priority: report”, http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gcIGn59te-BGkDoG1uG6XrAMXO_A?docId=CNG.96ef5382d53f44338468570447594103.851
WASHINGTON — A rapidly worsening water shortage threatens to destabilize the planet and should be
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added that water insecurity could wreak havoc "even in politically stable regions."

Especially in China, Egypt, and Pakistan --- goes nuclear
NPR 10 (NPR citing Steven Solomon who has written for The New York Times
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org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=122195532)
Just as wars over oil played a major role in 20th-century history,
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a third of its flow from the disappearance from its glacial water source."

Contention 2 is Teleportation

Articifical photosynthesis is key to quantum mechanics
Yarris 10 (Lynn, Head science writer at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, “Untangling the Quantum Entanglement Behind Photosynthesis: Berkeley scientists shine new light on green plant secrets,” MAY 10, 2010, Berkeley Lab is a U.S. Department of Energy national laboratory located in Berkeley, California. It conducts unclassified scientific research and is managed by the University of California, http://newscenter.lbl.gov/feature-stories/2010/05/10/untangling-quantum-entanglement/)
The future of clean green solar power may well hinge on scientists being able to
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plants transfer energy from sunlight with an efficiency of nearly 100-percent. 

A black hole the size of a billion of our suns will swallow our solar system—its just time
Byrd 11-  (Deborah Byrd is Founder and President of EarthSky, which she created in 1991. Byrd has won a galaxy of awards from the broadcasting and science communities, including having an asteroid named 3505 Byrd in her honor. Byrd is Editor-in-Chief of all EarthSky websites, “Largest Known Black Hole Could Swallow Our Solar System”, Earth Sky, http://earthsky.org/space/largest-known-black-hole-could-swallow-our-solar-system, January 14, 2011)
Astronomers meeting in Seattle this week discussed new observations of the largest black hole known
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astronomers their best chance of learning more about black hole physics in general. 

Quantum solves black holes
Wolchover 11 (Natalie, Staff Writer, citing Andew Hamilton, an astrophysicist known for his scientifically accurate general relativistic visualizations of black holes and has published broadly in the fields of astrophysics, cosmology and relativity, is Professor of Astrophysics at the University of Colorado, Boulder, and a Fellow and current Chair of the JILA research institute, “Can Anything Escape from a Black Hole?”, Date: 15 November 2011 Time: 03:46 PM ET, http://www.lifeslittlemysteries.com/1930-particles-escape-black-holes.html
Black holes are the blackest things in the universe. Because of their enormous,
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considered one of the most robust predictions of quantum gravity," Hamilton said. 

A federal investment in quantum research key to technological leadership
Aaronson and Bacon 8 (“Quantum Computing and the Ultimate Limits of Computation:   The Case for a National Investment,” Scott Aaronson is a theoretical computer scientist and faculty member in the Electrical Engineering and Computer Science department at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, his primary area of research is quantum computing and computational complexity theory, Aaronson is one of two winners of the 2012 Alan T. Waterman Award,  Dave Bacon received his B.S. in physics and in literature with honors from the California Institute of Technology in 1997 and his Ph.D. in theoretical physics from the University of California, Berkeley in 2001, After his Ph.D. he did a postdoc at the Institute for Quantum Information at Caltech from 2001-2004, and then a brief postdoc at the Santa Fe Institute during 2004-2005 after which he joined the Department of Computer Science and Engineering at the University of Washington as a Principal Research Scientist. In 2006, he started his current appointment which is as a Assistant Research Professor in the department of Computer Science and Engineering at the University of Washington. In 2007 he acquired an Adjunct Assistant Research Professor appointment in the Department of Physics at the University of Washington, Version 6:  December 12, 2008, http://cra.org/ccc/docs/init/Quantum_Computing.pdf)
 For the last fifty years computers have grown faster, smaller, and more
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computers, the US is being  eclipsed by the rest of the world.  

Only when the United States takes action will other countries get on board
Stine 9 (Deborah D., Scecialist in Science and Technology Policy, Professor of the Practice, Engineering and Public Policy and Scott Institute for Energy Innovation at Carnegie Mellon University, Ph.D. (Public Administration/Policy Analysis) from American University, June 29th, 2009, Science, Technology, and American Diplomacy: Background and Issues for Congress,” Congressional Research Service, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL34503.pdf)
Scientists, engineers, and health professionals frequently communicate and cooperate with one  another without
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poverty, micro-economic reform, and mitigation of natural disasters. 3 

Technological leadership is key to science diplomacy – it creates international cooperation that independently de-escalates every impact and solves failed states
Federoff 8 – ina Fedoroff 8, Science and Technology Adviser to the Secretary of State and the Administrator of USAID, Testimony Before the House Science Subcommittee on Research and Science Education, 4/2, http://www.state.gov/g/oes/rls/rm/102996.htm
Chairman Baird, Ranking Member Ehlers, and distinguished members of the Subcommittee, thank
AND
a means to enhance security, increase global partnerships, and create sustainability.

Failed states cause nuclear war
AFC 3 – African Studies Centre et al, The Transnational Institute, The Center of Social Studies, Coimbra University, and The Peace Research Center – CIP-FUHEM, December 2007, “Failed and Collapsed States in the International System,” http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/archives/reports/failedstates.pdf
In the malign scenario of global developments the number of collapsed states would grow significantly
AND
European states - could be faced with direct attacks on their national security.

It’s try or die – extinction is inevitable without science-based, multilateral cooperation.
Sackett, 10 – former Chief Scientist for Australia, former Program Director at the NSF, PhD in theoretical physics, the Director of the Australian National University (ANU) Research School of Astronomy and Astrophysics and Mount Stromlo and Siding Spring Observatories (2002 – 07) August 10, 2010, Penny Sackett, “Science diplomacy: Collaboration for solutions,” published in the Forum for Australian-European Science and Technology cooperation magazine, http://www.chiefscie...for-solutions/
Imagine for a moment that the globe is inhabited by a single individual who roams
AND
and multi-national policy and funding frameworks to sustain these links.

Thus the Plan:

The United States Federal Government should substantially increase its economic engagement with Mexico in artificial photosynthesis cooperation.

Contention 4 is Solvency
Mexico is developing now – they can do the plan
Xinhua, 12 – Xinhua News, From Bureau of Energy (“Mexico to carry out artificial photosynthesis for sustainable energy projects,” Nov 22nd, 2012, http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2012-11/22/c_123986800.htm)//HAL
The face of global warming due to climate change and to reduce the demand for
AND
as the characteristics of nanomaterials copied manually to produce hydrogen and other energy.

New investment is needed
BW, 10/17 – Business World (“Reinventing photosynthesis,” Oct 17th, 2013, http://www.bworldonline.com/content.php?section=Opinionandtitle=Reinventing-photosynthesisandid=78095)//HAL
PASADENA -- For decades, the development of renewable energy -- and the policy debates
AND
provide the basis for a safe, secure, and sustainable energy future.

Tournament: NFL Qualifiers | Round: 1 | Opponent: ALL | Judge: ALL
(The first 6 min was a performance of the Black Menstruating Terminator which changed every round)

It was as the Wise Ones Warren and Fasset preached:

Warren and Fassett, 2004 John T. is an assistant professor in the School of Communication Studies at Bowling Green State University, Deanna L., assistant professor in the Department of Communication Studies at San José State University, The Johns Hopkins University Press Theatre Topics 14.2 (2004) pg. 411-430

To do this work, we look outward from these spectacular instances of violence and examine the minute and mundane processes that make these acts possible. In our courses, we examine how instances of racism, homophobia, and other forms of oppression are generated through everyday communicative/performative acts—that is, both aesthetic and reiterative. Thus, we seek to understand difference (specifically race) as a performative construct that is always already aesthetic (that is, constructed for an audience or public) and reiterative (that is, repeated and ongoing). By focusing on race as one form of oppression, we examine whiteness as a systematic production of power—as a normative social process based upon a history of domination, recreating itself through naturalized everyday acts—much like heteronormativity or misogyny. Though in this writing we address whiteness, in particular, as a system of power and privilege, such an exploration helps mark the unmarked (Phelan)—making visible the workings of a number of oppressive social relationships. To render whiteness visible requires careful analysis and constant critique of our taken-for-granted norms. But, as our students question, to what end do we do what we do?  We both base our courses, at least in part, in and cultural studies means that we infuse all course content with issues of power, refusing to allow matters of race and difference to be End Page 411 marginalized.  

In the wise words of Seer Gosney:

Gosney 13 – Award Winning Filmmaker; BA First Class Hons Film and Television at Edinburgh College of Art; Degree Foundation Film and Photography from Stevenson College

(Kieran, “Weird Divide and Connection: African Science Fiction and Fantasy”, Still Prefer Paper, 5/11/13, http://www.kierangosney.com/2/post/2013/11/weird-divide-and-connection-african-science-fiction-and-fantasy.html)//NK

Afrofuturism is an aesthetic born of the African diaspora and found in afro-centric visual art, music and literature. The aesthetic unites science fiction, historical and alternate-history fiction, magic realism, fantasy, and African myths in the context of 20th-century technoculture. Originating in the music and persona of Sun Ra, but defined by Mark Dery in his 1995 essay Black to the Future, the Afrofuturist aesthetic foregrounds Black agency and creativity. Sandra Jackson and Julie Moody-Freeman, in The Black Imagination and the Genres,  redefine the core principle of Afrofuturist fiction as: “Imagined futures in which African descendant people as well as other people of color are neither conspicuously absent nor marginalized as background or expendable characters, but…instead not only present but rather active agents—protagonists and heroes—in events which take place here on the planet Earth or elsewhere in the universe, set in the past, alternative pasts, distant and near future times”. ¶ Although conceived outside of Africa by Afro-Americans, Afrofuturism has a proven reflexive relationship with the old continent. The separation between the speculative fictions of the diaspora and native Africans is less distinct that in the 1950's, when Afrofuturism was born. Looking at African speculative fiction and fantasy cinema through the scope of Afrofuturism connects the geographical separation from heritage felt by the Afro-American artists to the dehistoricisation and cultural alienation inflicted on native Africans by colonial oppressors.¶ The artist and writer Tegan Bristow, in her article We want the funk: What is Afrofuturism to the situation of digital arts in Africa?, published in the journal Technoetic Arts, considered how the ideas developed through Afrofuturism are being explored in contemporary African arts. Often this development is discussed alongside the unique use of communications technology by Africans, such as the Kenyan phone banking system or BRCK. Although often dismissed as technologically backwards, and therefore unable to express the same speculative fascination with technology as the West, Africa defies simple stereotypes and is producing great science fiction and fantasy art, from an African perspective. Afrofuturism is now more than just an American aesthetic, being taken up by Africans and becoming a more global celebration of Black culture. Sankofa (1993), written and directed by Ethiopian film-maker Haile Gerima, concerns an Afro-American model's mystical transportation to a West Indian plantation, where she experiences chattel slavery first hand. This African-produced fantasy film, dealing with Maafa and the African diaspora, can be seen as a pioneer in connecting the Afrofuturism of the African diaspora with that of native Africa. ¶ Africa Paradis is a French-Beninese co-production about a future in which Africa is entering a period of great prosperity while Europe suffers a massive economic downturn, leading to large-scale illegal immigration of Europeans into Africa. The satirical commentary is sharp and, now that many African countries are in the ascendant and Europe struggles under austerity with limited growth, it only proves itself to be more keenly observed as time goes on. Watch the trailer here. ¶ Produced more recently, Pumzi, written and directed by Wanuri Kahiu, is Kenya's first science-fiction short film and was released to great success both inside and out of Africa, subsequently winning the 2010 Cannes Best Short Film. The film, about a female ecologist's journey to regenerate life in a post-apocalyptic desert outside of a repressive subterranean city-state, uses the power of speculative fiction to comment on the present, and demonstrate a possible future. Pumzi's narrative counters marginal representation of women in African 'malestream', the image of African women as inferior and subordinate, the Western view of Africa as technologically ignorant, and promotes ecological awareness. Pumzi joins Les Saignantes (Bekolo, 2005), Africa Paradis (Amoussou, 2006) and Kajola (Akinmolayan, 2010) as the cinematic side of Africa's postmillennial Afrofuturist expression. I recommend you watch Wanuri Kahiu's Pumzi here. Kahiu's newest film project, due for release in the summer of 2013, is an adaptation of the Nigerian-American writer Nnedi Okorafor's World Fantasy Award winning novel Who Fears Death. Set in a post-apocalyptic Africa, the story concerns a woman of the Okeke, a tribe enslaved by the dominant Nuru, who gives birth to a child conceived through rape by a Nuru general. Walking into the desert to die, the woman instead gives birth to a baby girl with hair and skin the colour of sand and names her Onyesonwu, which means 'who fears death' in an ancient tongue. ¶ As the girl grows, a victim of oppression in her village as both a woman and a child of rape, she displays miraculous powers such as shapeshifting and travel into the spiritual world, which she uses to confront her father and free her enslaved people. Onyesonwu's birthright and colouring alludes to the Sudanese Janjaweed's use of rape as a weapon to give birth to lighter skinned children. Children of rape victims are looked down upon in Darfur communities out of fear that the children will become Janjaweed, with lighter skin and softer hair giving away ethnicity. The story is also a condemnation of culturally ingrained oppression of women and brutal rites like female circumcision, as well as the destruction of culture, language and religion caused by the African slave trade. Much like how Philip K. Dick's work is celebrated as trenchant commentary when viewed through the prism of counter-culture collapse in post-modern America, African works of quality should enjoy the same reflection and appraisal vis-à-vis Africa's technological and social concerns. ¶ In a TEDx talk, given in Nairobi in July, Kahiu references Dogon ancient astronaut mythology and Ngoma philosophy to demonstrate a historical basis for the Afrofuturist aesthetic in Africa and provides examples of artists, such as the South Africa music group and art collective Just a Band, who put Afrofuturism in the context of Africa. Kahiu concludes that Africans "can't reclaim history" but based on the conceptual framework of Afrofuturism as defined by Mark Dery, "we can project our future." Mainstream, and particularly Western, analysis of speculative fictions concerning Africa has focused largely on the art and culture of diaspora Africans. An assumption is made of ignorance or aversion on the part of native Africans to the philosophical concerns about, and artistic influence of, technology and speculative fantasy. This assumption of black Africa's 'cargo cult' relationship to technology has led to claims of great surprise from Western critics when confronted with films such as Kahiu's Pumzi. But where better than Africa to explore fears of technology usurping a connection to nature? Pumzi is pure Africa. In the article 'Is Africa Ready For Science Fiction?' by Nigerian-American sci-fi writer Nnedi Wahala, Wahala states that:¶ ¶ “There is a weird divide and connection between the technologically advanced and the ancient. For example: People will have cells phones in rural villages yet have no plumbing or electricity or one will opt to buy a laptop instead of a desktop computer because a laptop has its own power supply, most useful for when 'NEPA takes the lights.'"¶ ¶ As well as a lack of research into, and media attention for, African sci-fi and fantasy, there is limited ground-level documentation of the film industries, outside of South Africa, and the development of intra-African funding networks. Documentaries such as Welcome to Nollywood by Jamie Meltzer and Franco Sacchi's This Is Nollywood are two examples in this small domain. Particularly relevant to Nigeria's Nollywood, reported by UNESCO in 2006 as the second most prolific national film industry in the world, is how a cinematic genre that deals with future worlds and technology, as well as the wildly fantastical, matures within the strictures of relatively minuscule budgets, little state support and a scarcity of advanced film equipment and training. Nigeria has reacted quickly to the future of moving image distribution, and its film industry's dependence upon digital film-making and distribution relates well to Nnedi Wahala's comments above. In Nigeria alone, there are a number of burgeoning Afrofuturist projects following in the footsteps of Niyi Akinmolayan's Kajola (2010) that share a similar goal of promoting cinema that explores contemporary black African issues through speculative fiction. Go to Youtube and you'll find many zero-budget Nigerian sci-fi and fantasy films.¶ ¶ Not only is Africa ready for science fiction, and has been for some time, but Africa's 'weird divide and connection' is a breeding ground for a unique direction in speculative and fantastical fiction. A repatriation of pan-African Afrofuturism heralds the birth of an exciting new cinema. Perceptions of the future, and fantastical realms, say a lot about the present and the ordinary, and an examination of African sci-fi and fantasy is a great way to understand modern Africa, where it's going, and where it's been.

 The prophet Enteen wrote:

07 (Jilana, “On the Receiving End of the Colonization": Nalo Hopkinson's 'Nansi Web”, Science Fiction Studies, Vol. 34, No. 2, Afrofuturism (Jul., 2007), pp. 262-282)

This rather limited notion of cyberpunk has been justly critiqued2 and countered by alternative fictional portrayals by authors such as Pat Cadigan, Richard Calder, K.W. Jeter, Maureen F. McHugh, Misha, Jeff Noon, Justina Robson, Melissa Scott, Tricia Sullivan, and Jack Womack, as well as by Gibson, Sterling, and Stephenson themselves. Such sublations are not erasures, though, and this narrative formula and its problematic implications continue to lurk within the cyberpunk genome and circulate in popular culture. See, for example, despite their added-on gender-role reversals, interstellar wars, and ancient Mayan artifacts, the Perfiect Dark computer games (2000, 2005). Furthermore, even these revisions imagine a future of unending globalized capital, with all its dazzle and depredation. This essay considers authors situated "on the receiving end of the colonization,"articularlyN alo Hopkinson,w hose novels revise cyberpunk to render visible current socioeconomic inequities, suggest alternative formulations of the relationships between humans and technology, and increase the cultural repository of ideas that inspire technological and social development. Hopkinson's Midnight Robber (2000) portrays a world controlled by the Marryshow Corporation and run by a web-based Artificial Intelligence. Human habitation on a remote planet is made possible through radical environmental destruction and an individual r bel becomes a hero by manipulating technology and confronting the inequities she perceives in her society. Through this depiction, Midnight Robber models technologies premised on the histories and beliefs of New World subjects. Contrary to the Jamaican Rastafarians or Voudon figures that are either fetishized by William Gibson3 or voiceless in the majority of cyberpunk, Hopkinson renders the complexities of multiple cultures in contact, the cross-fertilizations of histories, languages, and cultures, and diasporic dislocations. Building on Gibson's and other cyberpunk authors' flair for forecasting digital futures, Hopkinson, like other Afrofuturist visionaries, fashions unconventional scenarios premised on technological development; she correspondingly provides unorthodox versions of yet-to-come societies.4 She explain  that science fiction has always been a subversive literature. It's been used to critique social systems well before the marketing label of sfl got stuck on it.... I think that a speculative literature from a culture that has been on the receiving end of the colonization glorified in some sf1 could be a compelling body of writing. (Rutledge 591)

Tournament: New Trier | Round: 1 | Opponent: Bishop Guertin DI | Judge:
Wayzata HL – 1AC New Trier

Contention 1

Contention 1 is Hegemony

U.S. refusal to comply with Mexico’s AEI request causes a breakdown in relations and NAFTA
Preslan, 11 – J.D. Cleveland State University (Kevin, Global Business Law Review, “Turnabout is Fair Play:  The U.S. Response to Mexico’s Request for Bank Account Information,” p. 217)
In contrast, noncompliance would be the simplest solution for the United States. Noncompliance
AND
States and Mexico need each other in terms of importing and exporting goods. 

NAFTA is key to heg– hemispheric integration and liberal institutions
Agrasoy, 04 - Bachelor of Arts degree in International Trade and a Bachelor of Science degree in Management Information Systems from Bogazici University in Istanbul, Turkey, where he specialized in international trade and investment, Master of Arts in Economics from McGill University in Montreal, ROI Research Analyst Director of Operations, Public Sector, overseeing worldwide public sector operations at ROI (Emre, “NAFTA: as a Means of an U.S. Hegemony Creation in the Region?” May 23 2004, http://emreagrasoy.awardspace.com/nafta.pdf)  
Although U.S. seemed the sole dominant power after the collapse of Soviet
AND
the world economy and politics it would be sufficient for U.S. 

US unipolarity solves all major impacts including expansionism by deterrence and alliances – a transition to multipolarity is ineffective and leads to war – scholarship proves
Brooks, et al ’13 (Stephen, Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College
AND
. 3 (Winter 2012/13), pp. 7–51)
A core premise of deep engagement is that it prevents the emergence of a far
AND
that of potential rivals is by many measures growing rather than shrinking. 85

Hegemony is sustainable but the US has to choose to maintain its primacy – assumes rising powers and the economy
Kagan 12
Robert Kagan, Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institute, B.A., Yale University, M.P.P., John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, Ph.D., American University, January 17, 2012, “Not Fade Away: Against the Myth of American Decline”, Brookings Institute, http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2012/01/17-us-power-kagan
The challenges today are great, and the rise of China is the most obvious
AND
both to Americans and to the nature of the world they live in.

Even anti-hegemonic authors agree that the U.S. will continue to pursue hegemonic options –only a question if we ensure this dominance will be effective or ineffective
Mearsheimer 11 John J. Mearsheimer, the “R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago” Jan/Feb 2011 “Imperial By Design” http://mearsheimer.uchicago.edu/pdfs/A0059.pdf
The downward spiral the United States has taken was anything but inevitable. Washington has
AND
would see the United States as a benign hegemon serving their own interests.

Decline risks American lashout
 G. John Ikenberry, Professor, International Relations, Princeton University, "Illusions of Empire," FOREIGN AFFAIRS, March/April 2004, ASP.
Two implications follow from the United States' strange condition as "economically dependent and politically
AND
security and stability, not a hope that it will decline and disappear. 

War is at its lowest level in history because of US primacy-~--best statistical studies prove heg solves war because it makes democratic peace resilient and globalization sustainable-~--it’s the deeper cause of proximate checks against war
Owen ‘11 (John M. Owen Professor of Politics at University of Virginia PhD from Harvard "DON’T DISCOUNT HEGEMONY" Feb 11 www.cato-unbound.org/2011/02/11/john-owen/dont-discount-hegemony/
Andrew Mack and his colleagues at the Human Security Report Project are to be congratulated
AND
U.S. material and moral support for liberal democracy remains strong. 

Contention 2

Contention 2 is the Economy
An international tax regime is inevitable but initial choices are key – promoting multilateral Automatic Exchange of Information – AEI – is essential to solidifying a global standard
Grinberg, 12 – Associate Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, former attorney at the Office of International Tax Counsel at the U.S. Dept. of Treasury, where he worked on FATCA from its inception (Itai, Georgetown Law:  The Scholarly Commons, “Beyond FATCA:  An Evolutionary Moment for the International Tax System,” January 27, 2012, http://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1162andcontext=fwps_papersandseiredir=1andreferer=http3A2F2Fwww.google.com2Furl3Fsa3Dt26rct3Dj26q3Deconomist2520automatic2520exchange2520tax26source3Dweb26cd3D4026ved3D0CGsQFjAJOB426url3Dhttp253A252F252Fscholarship.law.georgetown.edu252Fcgi252Fviewcontent.cgi253Farticle253D11622526context253Dfwps_papers26ei3DoR7xUcbIIYXVqAHo3YCQCw26usg3DAFQjCNFxQNj6scIncBgqKuT1xDxPA7bOrQ26sig23D1NeWwQFotuiB8rpri_Wtnw26bvm3Dbv.497844692Cd.eWU#search=22economist20automatic20exchange20tax22).
In just a few short years, the world has gone from assuming financial institutions
AND
in on the choices made by the major actors in this evolutionary moment. 

Plan brings all NAFTA members on board with AEI and demonstrates commitment to info exchange with regional trading partners
Lawton, 12 – Former Canadian policy analyst who worked on anti-money laundering initiatives (Christopher, “U.S. Should Expand Automatic Exchange Of Tax Information To Mexico”, January 31, 2012, Financial Transparency Coalition, http://www.financialtransparency.org/2012/01/31/u-s-should-expand-automatic-exchange-of-tax-information-to-mexico/)//AE
There is one most obvious way that the U.S. could make its
AND
to combating illicit financial activity on the Southern border in all its forms.
Ensuring uniform, multilateral AEI is key
Grinberg, 13 - Associate Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, former attorney at the Office of International Tax Counsel at the U.S. Dept. of Treasury, where he worked on FATCA from its inception (Itai, Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 13-031, “Will FATCA Open the Door to Taxing Capital Income in Emerging Countries,” June 20, 2013, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2256587)
Internationally, automatic information reporting now has the upper hand over anonymous withholding, largely
AND
automatic information exchange regime may be improved if they cooperate with one another. 

Global Illicit Financial Flows – IFFs – make economic collapse inevitable – undermine gov’t legitimacy and development
Le Billon, 11 – Associate Professor of Geography and Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia (Philippe, CMI (Chr. Michelsin Institute, “Extractive Sectors and Illicit Financial Flows:  What Role for Revenue Governance Issues?” U4 Issue, October 2011, No. 11, http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/4248-extractive-sectors-and-illicit-financial-flows.pdf)
The Norway-sponsored Task Force on the Development Impact of Illicit Financial Flows (
AND
turn, drastically reduce total earnings that a country derives from extractive assets.
We isolate 2 two impacts to global IFFs:

The first impact is growth – it solves war – numerous studies prove
Royal, 10 – Director of Cooperative Threat Reduction at the U.S. Department of Defense, (Jedediah, “Economic Integration, Economic Signaling and the Problem of Economic Crises,” in Economics of War and Peace: Economic, Legal and Political Perspectives,” ed. Goldsmith and Brauer, p. 213-14)
Less intuitive is how periods of economic decline may increase the likelihood of external conflict
AND
not featured prominently in the economic-security debate and deserves more attention.
Economic decline triggers nuclear war
Harris and Burrows 9 (Mathew, PhD European History at Cambridge, counselor in the National Intelligence Council (NIC) and Jennifer, member of the NIC’s Long Range Analysis Unit “Revisiting the Future: Geopolitical Effects of the Financial Crisis” http://www.ciaonet.org/journals/twq/v32i2/f_0016178_13952.pdf, AM)
Of course, the report encompasses more than economics and indeed believes the future is
AND
within and between states in a more dog-eat-dog world. 

Second IFFs cause Yemen instability
Hill, 13 – founder and former convenor of theChatham House Yemen Forum, an award-winning global policy consortium advising governments, non-profits and the private sector on politics and the economy in Yemen, she was an associate fellow in the Middle East and North African programme at Chatham House (Ginny, Peter Salisbury, “Yemen: Corruption, Capital Flight and Global Drivers of Conflict,” September, 2013, http://www.chathamhouse.org/publications/papers/view/194239)//HAL
*We do not endorse any ableist language in our evidence*
Far from being on a guaranteed path towards a secure, prosperous future, Yemen
AND
a global priority, including in the post-2015 global development agenda.

Impact is Iran-Israel war and Iran-Saudi war.
Berger et al 2012 (May, Lars Berger, Lecturer in politics and contemporary history of the middle east at the university of salford/Manchester, Maurice Doring, MA in political science, international law and philosophy from the University of Bonn, Sven-Eric Fikenscher, research fellow at Geothe University, Ahmed Salf, Exeutive Director of the Sheba Center for Strategic Studies, Ahmed Al-Wahishi, Executive Secretary of the Yemeni International Affairs Center, “Yemen and the Middle East Conference The Challenge of Failing States and Transnational Terrorism”, http://usir.salford.ac.uk/22952/1/Yemen_and_the_Middle_East_Conference.pdf)

While in a geographical and political sense Yemen is far from being a central actor
AND
which the region’s state actors might contemplate as part of the envisioned MEC.
Iran-Israel war causes WWIII.
Reuveny ’10 (Rafael, PhD, Professor in the School of Public and Environmental Affairs at Indiana University, "Unilateral Strike on Iran could trigger world Depression,” op-ed distributed through McClatchy Newspaper Co, http://www.indiana.edu/~spea/news/speaking_out/reuveny_on_unilateral_strike_Iran.shtml)

A unilateral Israeli strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities would likely have dire consequences, including
AND
U.S. forces on nuclear alert, replaying Nixon’s nightmarish scenario.
Iran-Saudi war goes nuclear.
Jain, visiting fellow at The Washington Institute, 11 Ash, served as a member of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff from 2004 to 2010, Nuclear Weapons and Iran’s Global Ambitions, Washington Institute, Policy Focus 114, August, 2011,
As it looks for plausibly deniable ways to intimidate and subvert Gulf monarchies, an
AND
—though this could be complicated in the face of a nuclear Iran.

Plan Text

Thus the plan: the United States Federal Government should substantially increase its Automatic Exchange of Information and Trade Transparency Units with Mexico.

Contention 3

Contention 4 is Solvency
Exchange must be automatic – on request method empirically fail
Economist, 2/16/13 (“Tax transparency: Automatic response,” The Economist, 2/16/2013, http://www.economist.com/news/special-report/21571561-way-make-exchange-tax-information-work-automatic-response)//YS
NOT ONE TO mince words, Daniel Mitchell of the right-wing Cato Institute
AND
The biggest benefit of automatic exchange is that it deters rather than detects.

Mexico can do the plan
Gurtner et. al, 09 – Chairman Tax Justice Center International Board, International, non-aligned group or researchers and activists concerned about tax evasion (Bruno, David Spencer, Senior Advisor Tax Justice Center, and Jon Christensen, Secretary for Tax Justice Center, “Automatic Exchange of Information and the United Nations Tax Committee,” December 19, http://www.taxjustice.net/cms/upload/pdf/Info_Exchange_Letter_0912.pdf)
(10) DEVELOPING COUNTRIES AND THE TECHNICAL CAPACITY ARGUMENT. It has been asserted
AND
vested interest in not having automatic exchange of information implemented with developing countries. 

International government consensus agrees IFFs are significant and comprise a major obstacle to development
Cotonou, 12 (Benjamin, 19th APF, December 3, http://www.africapartnershipforum.org/Overview20paper20illicit20financial20flows.pdf)
Illicit financial flows comprise funds illegally acquired, transferred or used. Estimates (see
AND
meeting is intended to feed into discussions in Africa and internationally in 2013.

Trade Transparency Units – TTUs – solve trade mispricing – the largest source of IFFs between the U.S. and Mexico
INC 13 - U.S. Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, 13 (“The Buck Stops Here:  Improving U.S. Anti-Money Laundering Practices,”
(April, p. 20, http://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/files/serve/?File_id=311e974a-feb6-48e6-b302-0769f16185ee)
Experts at Global Financial Integrity have estimated that $642.9 billion in cumulative
AND
undervaluing of traded goods and provides actionable leads to investigate suspected money laundering. 

U.S.-Mexico agreement shows US commitment to information exchange – creates a precedent for other nations and spills over
McIntyre, 09 – Professor of Law, Wayne State University, Former member and interim chair of the U.N. Subcommitte on Information Exchange (Michael, Tax Notes International, “How to End  the Charade of Information Exchange,” Volume 56, Number 4, http://faculty.law.wayne.edu/mcintyre/text/mcintyre_articles/Treaties/charade_56TNI.pdf)
Mexico surely understands that an agreement for automatic exchange with the United States will induce
AND
their residents, the Mexican rock down the hill may trigger an avalanche.
Current U.S.-Mexico automatic exchange agreement is not reciprocal – U.S. reserves the right to withhold information if it might be misused
Sheppard, 1/31/13 – Lawyer and widely-read commentator on tax issues
(Lee, Tax Analysts, “Will U.S. Hypocrisy on Information Sharing Continue,” http://www.taxanalysts.com/www/features.nsf/Articles/0C26B2CFD92F1FBE85257AFC004E8B38?OpenDocument)
In Rev. Proc. 2012-24, IRB 2012-20, the
AND
. The Mexican IGA might effectively be a nonreciprocal agreement disguised as reciprocal.

TTUs solve illicit flows using software that analyzes both sides of a trade transaction – expanding the network is key   
ICE Website, accessed 9/21/13 (U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, “Trade Transparency,”
http://www.ice.gov/trade-transparency/)
CE established the Trade Transparency Unit to conduct ongoing analysis of trade data provided through
AND
role in thwarting money laundering and transnational crime, including international organized crime. 

AEI gives tax information automatically
OECD, 12 (“Automatic Exchange of Information”, 2012, http://www.oecd.org/ctp/exchange-of-tax-information/AEOI_FINAL_with20cover_WEB.pdf)
The automatic exchange of information is understood to involve the systematic and periodic transmission of
AND
an individual, to see if the reported income reasonably supports the transaction.

Tournament: UC-Berkeley | Round: Octas | Opponent: Notre Dame AB | Judge: All Rounds

1AC – Wayzata LH

The embargo is symbolic of our desire to feminize Cuba in order to secure United States hegemonic masculinity – reconceptualizing the perceived neutrality of economic engagement is the only way to change status quo politics that are grounded in the phallocentric economy of the same

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
This is the United States as I see it today—a white headless body
AND
itself against castration and to simulate phallic power as it did in Haiti. 

The U.S. Cuban foreign policy is the standpoint of our global encounters - Only recognizing sexual difference between Cuba and the United States and releasing our grip can we break down the phallus structure that upholds indifference.

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
Since 1959, then, the United States has been "faking it"—"it
AND
were not intended" (Grosz, 1995: 142; my emphasis).

Knowledge of Latin America is controlled by the masculine – only allowing the feminine in our discussion can we challenge the current phallocentric system

Stavans, 95 – Lewis-Sebring Professor in Latin American and Latino Culture at Amherst, Ph.D. from Columbia University  (Ilan, "The Latin Phallus," Transition, Indiana University Press, W.E.B. Du Bois Institute, JSTOR)HAL
Let me map the ambitions of my little book by starting at the beginning.
AND
remains all powerful, and the conqueror will be showered with red flowers. 

Debate is a microcosm of the public sphere – failure to conform to the phallocentric economy of the same drives the exclusion of women from the activity – the reproduction of the masculine subject position spillsover into your life after debate and supports its entrenchment across society

Griffin and Raider, 89 (J. Cinder and Holly Jane, "Women in High School Debate" http://groups.wfu.edu/debate/MiscSites/DRGArticles/Griffin26Raider1989PunishmentPar.htm)
’I don’t usually vote for girl debaters because debate really is a boy’s activity.
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expend team resources on her increases, assuming she overcomes the initial obstacles. 

Debate places focus on policymaking and the public sphere but any discussions surrounding Cuba must not ignore the private sphere – failure to do so perpetuates government justifications for ignoring ongoing sexual violence

Lundgren, 12 - Ph.D. in Cultural Anthropology from Uppsala University, Professor at the Institute of Latin American Studies at Stockholm University (Silje, "Shaking that ass: Reggaetón as an embodiment of "low culture" to mark difference and privilege in contemporary Havana," Serie HAINA VIII 2012, Bodies and Borders in Latin America, http://liu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:584258/FULLTEXT01)//HAL
Gendered violence Let me now turn to the question of how to understand Zusel’s suggestion
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population, much in the same manner as the construction of sexual education. 

Cuban women have been excluded from the political realm. Women’s particular ways of knowing are ruled as illegitimate and useless.

Martinez, 9 – (Maria Del Carmen, ’’Her body was my country’’: Gender and Cuban-American exile-community nationalist identity in the work of Gustavo Perez Firmat," 2009, Palgrave Macmillan 1476-3435 Latino Studies Vol. 7, 3, 295–316)HAL
Moreover, Cuban exile identity has more often than not been constructed in deeply essentialist
AND
sure, by the spectacle of undressing before a drunken, hooting crowd.

Haley and I are asked to defend a removal of the embargo – this task is fundamentally impossible without looking to the embargo in place against non-masculine identities. Haley and I reconceptualize Being starting with the fluidity of sexual difference as at least two. Lifting the embargo to provide and embody a methodology that confronts masculine oppression is a starting point to understanding the foundation of US economic engagement with Cuba.

Starting with difference as at least two recognizes we can only encompass half of humanity at best—this disrupts the hegemony of the masculine economy while avoiding critiques of essentialism

Cohoon 11 (Christopher; Prof Philosophy @ Stony Brook University; "The Ecological Irigaray?" Ecocritical Theory)
Returning to and Reinterpreting Nature Given that women have traditionally been considered both inferior because
AND
then, the cultural task of subjective becoming is simultaneously an ecological task. 

Inclusion of women recreates the phallocentric economy of the Same—the aff reformulates the political

Fermon 98 ~Nicole, Women on the Global Market: Irigaray and the Democratic State, Diacritics 28:1, p. 120-137~
Best known for her subtle interrogation of philosophy and psychoanalysis, Luce Irigaray clearly also
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critical to establishing an economy which honors and supports the practices of women.

Suppression of sexual difference guarantees genocide and end of life

Irigaray, 1991, (Luce, Famous french scholar, The irigaray Reader, p.33)
Even a vaguely rigorous analysis of claims to equality shows that they are justified at
AND
stake is clearer today than it was when The Second Sex was written.

We may not be able to immediately enact federal policy, but we can change the community that we participate in.

Rebecca Bjork, former college debater, coach, and professor in ’93 (former college debater and former associate professor at the University of Utah, where she taught graduate and undergraduate courses in Communication and Women in Debate, Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle, Debater’s Research Guide 1992-1993: Wake Forest University.Symposium, web.archive.org/web/20011012220529/members.aol.com/womynindebate/article3.htm)
While reflecting on my experiences as a woman in academic debate in preparation for this
AND
do so, we give up the only real power that we have.

Sexual difference enables for radical re-conceptualizations of subjectivity. At its core, an affirmation of sexual difference is an affirmation of human relations that begin with at least two ontologically distinct beings, not that the man/woman biological dichotomy is foundational.

Daley in 2012 (Linda, Literary and Communication studies, School of Media and Communication, RMIT University, "Luce Irigaray’s Sexuate Economy," Feminist Theory, 13(I), 59-79)
Just as Marx alludes to but avoids the spectre of race-based slavery in
AND
difference/otherness, albeit models that Irigaray is¶ unlikely to proffer.

To speak is never neutral – and discourse in the public sphere is marked by the collective forgetting of the original starting point of social relations – the subjugation of the feminine

Irigaray 2004 (Luce, An ethics of sexual difference pg. 10-11)
In order to distance oneself, must one be able to take?  To speak
AND
to the power of the maternal-feminie which he diminishes or destroys.

Tournament: Valley | Round: 2 | Opponent: Eagan | Judge:
Contention 1

Contention 1 is the International Tax Regime
An international tax regime is inevitable but initial choices are key – promoting multilateral Automatic Exchange of Information – AEI – is essential to solidifying this approach as the global standard
Grinberg, 12 – Associate Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, former attorney at the Office of International Tax Counsel at the U.S. Dept. of Treasury, where he worked on FATCA from its inception (Itai, Georgetown Law:  The Scholarly Commons, “Beyond FATCA:  An Evolutionary Moment for the International Tax System,” January 27, 2012, http://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1162andcontext=fwps_papersandseiredir=1andreferer=http3A2F2Fwww.google.com2Furl3Fsa3Dt26rct3Dj26q3Deconomist2520automatic2520exchange2520tax26source3Dweb26cd3D4026ved3D0CGsQFjAJOB426url3Dhttp253A252F252Fscholarship.law.georgetown.edu252Fcgi252Fviewcontent.cgi253Farticle253D11622526context253Dfwps_papers26ei3DoR7xUcbIIYXVqAHo3YCQCw26usg3DAFQjCNFxQNj6scIncBgqKuT1xDxPA7bOrQ26sig23D1NeWwQFotuiB8rpri_Wtnw26bvm3Dbv.497844692Cd.eWU#search=22economist20automatic20exchange20tax22).
In just a few short years, the world has gone from assuming financial institutions
AND
in on the choices made by the major actors in this evolutionary moment. 

U.S.-Mexico agreement brings all NAFTA members on board with AEI and demonstrates commitment to systemic exchange with regional trading partners
Lawton, 12 – Former Canadian policy analyst who worked on anti-money laundering initiatives (Christopher, “U.S. Should Expand Automatic Exchange Of Tax Information To Mexico”, January 31, 2012, Financial Transparency Coalition, http://www.financialtransparency.org/2012/01/31/u-s-should-expand-automatic-exchange-of-tax-information-to-mexico/)//AE
There is one most obvious way that the U.S. could make its
AND
to combating illicit financial activity on the Southern border in all its forms.
Ensuring uniform, multilateral AEI is key – benefits both emerging nations and multinational corporations alike
Grinberg, 13 - Associate Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, former attorney at the Office of International Tax Counsel at the U.S. Dept. of Treasury, where he worked on FATCA from its inception (Itai, Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 13-031, “Will FATCA Open the Door to Taxing Capital Income in Emerging Countries,” June 20, 2013, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2256587)
Internationally, automatic information reporting now has the upper hand over anonymous withholding, largely
AND
automatic information exchange regime may be improved if they cooperate with one another. 

Global Illicit Financial Flows – IFFs – structurally undermine government legitimacy and development while increasing dependence and the risk of economic crises
Le Billon, 11 – Associate Professor of Geography and Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia (Philippe, CMI (Chr. Michelsin Institute, “Extractive Sectors and Illicit Financial Flows:  What Role for Revenue Governance Issues?” U4 Issue, October 2011, No. 11, http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/4248-extractive-sectors-and-illicit-financial-flows.pdf)
The Norway-sponsored Task Force on the Development Impact of Illicit Financial Flows (
AND
turn, drastically reduce total earnings that a country derives from extractive assets.
We isolate 2 two impacts to global IFFs:
First is poverty – global poverty is the equivalent of a thermonuclear war every 15 years
Gilligan, 00 – Department of Psychiatry Harvard Medical School (James, Violence:
AND
the weak and poor every year of every decade, throughout the world.
IFFs outstrip global efforts to reduce poverty – study shows they outpace foreign aid by a ratio of 10 to 1
PR Newswire, 13 (January 7, “Financial Flows Out of Developing World Overwhelm Foreign aid,” http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/illicit-financial-flows-out-of-the-developing-world-overwhelm-foreign-aid-60786287.html)//SEP
WASHINGTON, Jan. 7 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ --
Global Financial Integrity
AND
of 18.2 a year,
IFFs uniquely exacerbate the root causes of poverty and dependency – just keeping funds within home countries solves
Reuter, 12 – Professor in the School of Public Policy and the Department of Criminology, University of Maryland, Senior Researcher at RAND, PhD in Economics from Yale University
(Peter, Draining Development:  Controlling Flows of Illicit Funds From Developing Countries, World Bank, https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/2242)
There is no doubt that illicit ?nancial ?ows (IFFs) from developing coun-
AND
, despite the availability of billions of dol- lars in overseas accounts.
The second impact is growth – it solves war – numerous studies prove
Royal, 10 – Director of Cooperative Threat Reduction at the U.S. Department of Defense, (Jedediah, “Economic Integration, Economic Signaling and the Problem of Economic Crises,” in Economics of War and Peace: Economic, Legal and Political Perspectives,” ed. Goldsmith and Brauer, p. 213-14)
Less intuitive is how periods of economic decline may increase the likelihood of external conflict
AND
not featured prominently in the economic-security debate and deserves more attention.
Economic decline triggers nuclear war
Harris and Burrows 9 (Mathew, PhD European History at Cambridge, counselor in the National Intelligence Council (NIC) and Jennifer, member of the NIC’s Long Range Analysis Unit “Revisiting the Future: Geopolitical Effects of the Financial Crisis” http://www.ciaonet.org/journals/twq/v32i2/f_0016178_13952.pdf, AM)
Of course, the report encompasses more than economics and indeed believes the future is
AND
within and between states in a more dog-eat-dog world. 

?
Contention 2

Contention 3 is Hegemony

U.S. refusal to comply with Mexico’s AEI request causes a breakdown in relations and NAFTA
Preslan, 11 – J.D. Cleveland State University (Kevin, Global Business Law Review, “Turnabout is Fair Play:  The U.S. Response to Mexico’s Request for Bank Account Information,” p. 217)
In contrast, noncompliance would be the simplest solution for the United States. Noncompliance
AND
States and Mexico need each other in terms of importing and exporting goods. 

NAFTA is key to heg and free trade – hemispheric integration and liberal institutions
Agrasoy, 04 - Bachelor of Arts degree in International Trade and a Bachelor of Science degree in Management Information Systems from Bogazici University in Istanbul, Turkey, where he specialized in international trade and investment, Master of Arts in Economics from McGill University in Montreal, ROI Research Analyst Director of Operations, Public Sector, overseeing worldwide public sector operations at ROI (Emre, “NAFTA: as a Means of an U.S. Hegemony Creation in the Region?” May 23 2004, http://emreagrasoy.awardspace.com/nafta.pdf)  
Although U.S. seemed the sole dominant power after the collapse of Soviet
AND
the world economy and politics it would be sufficient for U.S. 

US unipolarity solves all major impacts including expansionism by deterrence and alliances – a transition to multipolarity is ineffective and leads to war – scholarship proves
Brooks, et al ’13 (Stephen, Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College
AND
. 3 (Winter 2012/13), pp. 7–51)
A core premise of deep engagement is that it prevents the emergence of a far
AND
that of potential rivals is by many measures growing rather than shrinking. 85

Hegemony is sustainable but the US has to choose to maintain its primacy – assumes rising powers and the economy
Kagan 12
Robert Kagan, Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institute, B.A., Yale University, M.P.P., John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, Ph.D., American University, January 17, 2012, “Not Fade Away: Against the Myth of American Decline”, Brookings Institute, http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2012/01/17-us-power-kagan
The challenges today are great, and the rise of China is the most obvious
AND
both to Americans and to the nature of the world they live in.

Even anti-hegemonic authors agree that the U.S. will continue to pursue hegemonic options –only a question if we ensure this dominance will be effective or ineffective
Mearsheimer 11 John J. Mearsheimer, the “R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago” Jan/Feb 2011 “Imperial By Design” http://mearsheimer.uchicago.edu/pdfs/A0059.pdf
The downward spiral the United States has taken was anything but inevitable. Washington has
AND
would see the United States as a benign hegemon serving their own interests.

Decline risks American lashout
 G. John Ikenberry, Professor, International Relations, Princeton University, "Illusions of Empire," FOREIGN AFFAIRS, March/April 2004, ASP.
Two implications follow from the United States' strange condition as "economically dependent and politically
AND
security and stability, not a hope that it will decline and disappear. 

War is at its lowest level in history because of US primacy-~--best statistical studies prove heg solves war because it makes democratic peace resilient and globalization sustainable-~--it’s the deeper cause of proximate checks against war
Owen ‘11 (John M. Owen Professor of Politics at University of Virginia PhD from Harvard "DON’T DISCOUNT HEGEMONY" Feb 11 www.cato-unbound.org/2011/02/11/john-owen/dont-discount-hegemony/
Andrew Mack and his colleagues at the Human Security Report Project are to be congratulated
AND
U.S. material and moral support for liberal democracy remains strong.

Tournament: Valley | Round: Octas | Opponent: Westside DW | Judge:
Contention 1

Contention 1 is the International Tax Regime
An international tax regime is inevitable but initial choices are key – promoting multilateral Automatic Exchange of Information – AEI – is essential to solidifying this approach as the global standard
Grinberg, 12 – Associate Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, former attorney at the Office of International Tax Counsel at the U.S. Dept. of Treasury, where he worked on FATCA from its inception (Itai, Georgetown Law:  The Scholarly Commons, “Beyond FATCA:  An Evolutionary Moment for the International Tax System,” January 27, 2012, http://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1162andcontext=fwps_papersandseiredir=1andreferer=http3A2F2Fwww.google.com2Furl3Fsa3Dt26rct3Dj26q3Deconomist2520automatic2520exchange2520tax26source3Dweb26cd3D4026ved3D0CGsQFjAJOB426url3Dhttp253A252F252Fscholarship.law.georgetown.edu252Fcgi252Fviewcontent.cgi253Farticle253D11622526context253Dfwps_papers26ei3DoR7xUcbIIYXVqAHo3YCQCw26usg3DAFQjCNFxQNj6scIncBgqKuT1xDxPA7bOrQ26sig23D1NeWwQFotuiB8rpri_Wtnw26bvm3Dbv.497844692Cd.eWU#search=22economist20automatic20exchange20tax22).
In just a few short years, the world has gone from assuming financial institutions
AND
in on the choices made by the major actors in this evolutionary moment. 

U.S.-Mexico agreement brings all NAFTA members on board with AEI and demonstrates commitment to systemic exchange with regional trading partners
Lawton, 12 – Former Canadian policy analyst who worked on anti-money laundering initiatives (Christopher, “U.S. Should Expand Automatic Exchange Of Tax Information To Mexico”, January 31, 2012, Financial Transparency Coalition, http://www.financialtransparency.org/2012/01/31/u-s-should-expand-automatic-exchange-of-tax-information-to-mexico/)//AE
There is one most obvious way that the U.S. could make its
AND
to combating illicit financial activity on the Southern border in all its forms.
Ensuring uniform, multilateral AEI is key – benefits both emerging nations and multinational corporations alike
Grinberg, 13 - Associate Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, former attorney at the Office of International Tax Counsel at the U.S. Dept. of Treasury, where he worked on FATCA from its inception (Itai, Georgetown Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper No. 13-031, “Will FATCA Open the Door to Taxing Capital Income in Emerging Countries,” June 20, 2013, http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2256587)
Internationally, automatic information reporting now has the upper hand over anonymous withholding, largely
AND
automatic information exchange regime may be improved if they cooperate with one another. 

Global Illicit Financial Flows – IFFs – structurally undermine government legitimacy and development while increasing dependence and the risk of economic crises
Le Billon, 11 – Associate Professor of Geography and Liu Institute for Global Issues, University of British Columbia (Philippe, CMI (Chr. Michelsin Institute, “Extractive Sectors and Illicit Financial Flows:  What Role for Revenue Governance Issues?” U4 Issue, October 2011, No. 11, http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/4248-extractive-sectors-and-illicit-financial-flows.pdf)
The Norway-sponsored Task Force on the Development Impact of Illicit Financial Flows (
AND
turn, drastically reduce total earnings that a country derives from extractive assets.
poverty – its terrible
Gilligan, 00 – Department of Psychiatry Harvard Medical School (James, Violence:
AND
the weak and poor every year of every decade, throughout the world.
IFFs outstrip global efforts to reduce poverty – study shows they outpace foreign aid by a ratio of 10 to 1
PR Newswire, 13 (January 7, “Financial Flows Out of Developing World Overwhelm Foreign aid,” http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/illicit-financial-flows-out-of-the-developing-world-overwhelm-foreign-aid-60786287.html)//SEP
WASHINGTON, Jan. 7 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- Global Financial Integrity (GFI) released today a study estimating the annual value of illicit financial flows from all poor nations at approximately $900 million. Titled "Illicit Financial Flows From Developing Countries: 2002 - 2006," (http://www.gfip.org/) the ground-breaking report shows that the developing world is losing an increasing amount of money through illicit capital flight each year. Moreover, the value of the illicit flows surpasses the amount of Official Development Assistance (ODA) entering those countries by an order of magnitude. "Illicit financial flows siphon revenue out of poor countries, robbing them of much-needed assets and forestalling economic development," said GFI director Raymond Baker. "These new figures reveal that illicit financial flows outpace ODA by a ratio of nearly 10 to 1. This is critical to understanding global poverty and developing effective poverty alleviation and economic development strategies," Baker said. Primary findings of the report include: Total capital flight exiting the developing world may be as much as $1 trillion per year, The volume of capital flight is increasing at an average of 18.2 a year,
IFFs uniquely exacerbate the root causes of poverty and dependency – just keeping funds within home countries solves
Reuter, 12 – Professor in the School of Public Policy and the Department of Criminology, University of Maryland, Senior Researcher at RAND, PhD in Economics from Yale University
(Peter, Draining Development:  Controlling Flows of Illicit Funds From Developing Countries, World Bank, https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/2242)
There is no doubt that illicit ?nancial ?ows (IFFs) from developing coun-
AND
, despite the availability of billions of dol- lars in overseas accounts.

Contention 2

Contention 2 is Human Trafficking 

Untold numbers of Mexican men, women, and children are being unfairly imprisoned by human traffickers along the border—a bilateral partnership is critical
Garza, 11 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005) Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L and COMP. LAW, March, www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf?)
On any given day, a Mexican woman will be promised a good paying job
AND
human trafficking must take into consideration both countries’ interests through a bilateral partnership.

Mexico is key—they’re a global hotspot for sex trafficking
Department of State, 13 (U.S. Department of State, 2013, “Trafficking in Persons Report 2013” http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2013/index.htm)//EM
Mexico is a large source, transit, and destination country for men, women
AND
be relatively weak, and official complicity continued to be a serious problem.

Status quo doesn’t solve
Martins, 13 (Elisa Martins, 10/5/13 “Human trafficking challenges Mexico and Central America”, http://infosurhoy.com/cocoon/saii/xhtml/en_GB/features/saii/features/main/2013/05/10/feature-01)//EM
 “Mexico and Central America have moved forward and have given more visibility to
AND
as victims often rely on religious shelters or accommodations offered by civil organizations.

IFFs are root cause of human trafficking
Baker 13 Raymond Baker, Director, Global Financial Integrity and Task Force on Financial Integrity and Economic Development, January 7th, 2013, “Illicit Financial Flows: The Scourge of the Developing World”, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/raymond-baker/illicit-financial-flows_b_2427495.html//TSH
Finally, the ease with which illicit money can be moved and hidden fosters sophisticated
AND
industries that seem to be getting worse every day in the developing world.

Data often distorts the effect IFFs have on sex trafficking – it’s massive and unaccounted for
GFI 08 Global Financial Integrity, “ILLICIT FINANCIAL¶ FLOWS FROM AFRICA:¶ HIDDEN RESOURCE FOR DEVELOPMENT”, 2008, http://www.gfintegrity.org/storage/gfip/documents/reports/gfi_africareport_web.pdf//TSH
One should bear in mind that there are a number of limitations underlying the two
AND
types of illegal transactions are significant¶ for both developing and developed countries.

Victims of trafficking experience horrific forms of dehumanization- we must reject this violence
Crouse ’07 (Janice, PhD, Senior Fellow at the Beverly LaHaye Institute, the think tank for Concerned Women for America, “Sex Trafficking Victims: Disposable or Human”, July 12, 2007, http://www.cwfa.org/articledisplay.asp?id=13418, SG)
We have all heard the catchy song lyrics about "what happens in Mexico"
AND
processes create a society where peace and prosperity are possible for all citizens.

Mexican sex trafficking has consigned almost 70,000 minors to living hell—the problem is spreading
Alis and Romo, 13 (Krupskaia Alis and Rafael Romo, CNN, 5/17/13, “Mexican sex traffickers moving into U.S.”, http://thecnnfreedomproject.blogs.cnn.com/2013/05/17/mexican-sex-traffickers-moving-into-u-s/)//EM
Joanna moves her hands nervously as she speaks. Her oversized, golden earrings rattle
AND
going to feel better," she says. "They destroyed my life."

Modern sex trafficking affects millions of oppressed persons worldwide—we need to act both via legislation and through our speech-act
Shahinian, 13 – Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, United Nations (Gulnara, April 26, 2013, “Slavery must be recognised in all its guises,” The Guardian, http://www.guardian.co.uk/global-development/poverty-matters/2013/apr/26/slavery-recognised-all-guises, Hensel)
¶ Five years ago, I became the UN's first special rapporteur on contemporary forms
AND
individuals, companies and governments accountable. Complacency is no longer an option.

Plan Text

Thus the plan: the United States Federal Government should substantially increase its Automatic Exchange of Information and Trade Transparency Units with Mexico.

Contention 3

Contention 4 is Solvency
Exchange must be automatic – on request method empirically fails to deter
Economist, 2/16/13 (“Tax transparency: Automatic response,” The Economist, 2/16/2013, http://www.economist.com/news/special-report/21571561-way-make-exchange-tax-information-work-automatic-response)//YS
NOT ONE TO mince words, Daniel Mitchell of the right-wing Cato Institute
AND
The biggest benefit of automatic exchange is that it deters rather than detects.

Developing countries – including Mexico – are capable of implementing AEI –contrary arguments are specious and condescending
Gurtner et. al, 09 – Chairman Tax Justice Center International Board, International, non-aligned group or researchers and activists concerned about tax evasion (Bruno, David Spencer, Senior Advisor Tax Justice Center, and Jon Christensen, Secretary for Tax Justice Center, “Automatic Exchange of Information and the United Nations Tax Committee,” December 19, http://www.taxjustice.net/cms/upload/pdf/Info_Exchange_Letter_0912.pdf)
(10) DEVELOPING COUNTRIES AND THE TECHNICAL CAPACITY ARGUMENT. It has been asserted
AND
vested interest in not having automatic exchange of information implemented with developing countries. 

Trade Transparency Units – TTUs – solve trade mispricing – the largest source of IFFs between the U.S. and Mexico
INC 13 - U.S. Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, 13 (“The Buck Stops Here:  Improving U.S. Anti-Money Laundering Practices,”
(April, p. 20, http://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/files/serve/?File_id=311e974a-feb6-48e6-b302-0769f16185ee)
Experts at Global Financial Integrity have estimated that $642.9 billion in cumulative
AND
undervaluing of traded goods and provides actionable leads to investigate suspected money laundering. 

U.S.-Mexico agreement shows US commitment to information exchange – creates a precedent for other nations and spills over
McIntyre, 09 – Professor of Law, Wayne State University, Former member and interim chair of the U.N. Subcommitte on Information Exchange (Michael, Tax Notes International, “How to End  the Charade of Information Exchange,” Volume 56, Number 4, http://faculty.law.wayne.edu/mcintyre/text/mcintyre_articles/Treaties/charade_56TNI.pdf)
Mexico surely understands that an agreement for automatic exchange with the United States will induce
AND
their residents, the Mexican rock down the hill may trigger an avalanche.
Current U.S.-Mexico automatic exchange agreement is not reciprocal – U.S. reserves the right to withhold information if it might be misused
Sheppard, 1/31/13 – Lawyer and widely-read commentator on tax issues
(Lee, Tax Analysts, “Will U.S. Hypocrisy on Information Sharing Continue,” http://www.taxanalysts.com/www/features.nsf/Articles/0C26B2CFD92F1FBE85257AFC004E8B38?OpenDocument)
In Rev. Proc. 2012-24, IRB 2012-20, the
AND
. The Mexican IGA might effectively be a nonreciprocal agreement disguised as reciprocal.

Tournament: TOC | Round: 1 | Opponent: Barstow DN | Judge: Sharon Kann

1AC Wayzata HL TOC

The embargo is symbolic of our desire to feminize Cuba in order to secure United States hegemonic masculinity – reconceptualizing the perceived neutrality of economic engagement is the only way to change status quo politics that are grounded in the phallocentric economy of the same

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
This is the United States as I see it today—a white headless body
AND
itself against castration and to simulate phallic power as it did in Haiti. 

The U.S. Cuban foreign policy is the standpoint of our global encounters - Only recognizing sexual difference between Cuba and the United States and releasing our grip can we break down the phallus structure that upholds indifference.

Weber, 99 – Associate Professor of Political Science at Purdue University and is on the editorial boards of Genders, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Alternatives (Cynthia, "Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a ’Post-Phallic’ Era," 1999, University of Minnesota Press)HAL
Since 1959, then, the United States has been "faking it"—"it
AND
were not intended" (Grosz, 1995: 142; my emphasis).

We see similar structures shape our community in debate

Phallocentrism attempts to dictate, deflate and regulate

Certain bodies are seen as weak

But debaters are all individual and unique

The masculine subject drives exclusion

Rejecting this logic is our conclusion

Griffin and Raider in 89 says that (J. Cinder and Holly Jane, "Women in High School Debate" http://groups.wfu.edu/debate/MiscSites/DRGArticles/Griffin26Raider1989PunishmentPar.htm)
’I don’t usually vote for girl debaters because debate really is a boy’s activity.
AND
expend team resources on her increases, assuming she overcomes the initial obstacles. 

The topic this year has presented the idea that removing the embargo on Cuba is a good idea. Before looking to this question, Haley and I ask, ’What about the embargo against the feminine?" Haley and I reconceptualize Being starting with the fluidity of sexual difference as at least two. Lifting the embargo to provide and embody a methodology that confronts oppression is a starting point to understanding the foundation of US economic engagement with Cuba.

Starting with difference as at least two disrupts the hegemony of the masculine economy while avoiding critiques of essentialism

Cohoon 11 (Christopher; Prof Philosophy @ Stony Brook University; "The Ecological Irigaray?" Ecocritical Theory)
Returning to and Reinterpreting Nature Given that women have traditionally been considered both inferior because
AND
then, the cultural task of subjective becoming is simultaneously an ecological task. 

Inclusion of women recreates the phallocentric economy of the Same—the aff reformulates the political

Fermon 98 ~Nicole, Women on the Global Market: Irigaray and the Democratic State, Diacritics 28:1, p. 120-137~
Best known for her subtle interrogation of philosophy and psychoanalysis, Luce Irigaray clearly also
AND
critical to establishing an economy which honors and supports the practices of women.

Suppression of sexual difference guarantees genocide and end of life

Irigaray, 1991, (Luce, Famous french scholar, The irigaray Reader, p.33)
Even a vaguely rigorous analysis of claims to equality shows that they are justified at
AND
stake is clearer today than it was when The Second Sex was written.

We may not be able to immediately enact federal policy, but we can change the community that we participate in.

Rebecca Bjork, former college debater, coach, and professor in ’93 (former college debater and former associate professor at the University of Utah, where she taught graduate and undergraduate courses in Communication and Women in Debate, Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle, Debater’s Research Guide 1992-1993: Wake Forest University.Symposium, web.archive.org/web/20011012220529/members.aol.com/womynindebate/article3.htm)
While reflecting on my experiences as a woman in academic debate in preparation for this
AND
do so, we give up the only real power that we have.

There is only a white masculine subjectivity available in the status quo – different bodies are only known as what the universal has scripted

Inahara, 9 - PhD (philosophy) from the University of Hull (Minae, "This Body Which is Not One: The Body, Femininity and Disability," March 9^th, 2009, http://bod.sagepub.com/content/15/1/47)//HAL
As considered by Irigaray, ’sexual difference’ cannot be understood as just bodily difference
AND
and ?uid difference, that is, it is beyond the binary oppositions.

To speak is never neutral – and discourse in the public sphere is marked by the collective forgetting of the original starting point of social relations – the subjugation of the feminine

Irigaray 2004 (Luce, An ethics of sexual difference pg. 10-11)
In order to distance oneself, must one be able to take?  To speak
AND
to the power of the maternal-feminie which he diminishes or destroys.

Tournament: Michigan | Round: 1 | Opponent: Northside EW | Judge: Stephen Weil
Deliberation DA
Peterson in 2000
V. Spike Peterson. “Rereading Public and Private: The Dichotomy that is Not One1” SAIS Review. Vol 20, Num 2. Pp 11-29. Summer-Fall 2000.
 In Homer and Thucydides, the ... differently problematic simplifications. 

Sequencing DA
Mojab 02 (Shahrzad, director of the Women and Gender Studies Institute and an Associate Professor in the Department of Adult Education and Psychology at University of Toronto, Canada; “Information, Censorship, and Gender Relations in Global Capitalism” Information for Social Change 1)
It is important...struggle for a democratic regime.

We may not be able to immediately enact federal policy, but we can change the community that we participate in.
Rebecca Bjork, former college debater, coach, and professor in ‘93 (former college debater and former associate professor at the University of Utah, where she taught graduate and undergraduate courses in Communication and Women in Debate, Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle, Debater's Research Guide 1992-1993: Wake Forest University.Symposium, web.archive.org/web/20011012220529/members.aol.com/womynindebate/article3.htm)
While reflecting on my... power that we have.

Tournament: Contact Information | Round: 1 | Opponent: NA | Judge:
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