Tournament: Greenhill | Round: 3 | Opponent: Dowling MT | Judge: David Weston
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Topical affirmatives must expand ECONOMIC institutional trade
Celik ‘11. Arda Can Celik. MA Politics and Intl Studies, Uppsala University. “Economic Sanctions and Engagement Policies.” Pg. 11
Introduction Economic engagement policies are strategic integration behaviour which involves with the target state.
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position of one state affects the position of others in the same direction.
V—The plan does not EXPAND economic ties—it only CHANGES current ones.
“Increase” means to become larger or greater in quantity
Encarta 6 – Encarta Online Dictionary. 2006. ("Increase" http://encarta.msn.com/encnet/features/dictionary/DictionaryResults.aspx?refid=1861620741)
in·crease in kr?ss
transitive and intransitive verb (past and past participle in·creased, present participle in·creas·ing, 3rd person present singular in·creas·es)Definition: make or become larger or greater: to become, or make something become, larger in number, quantity, or degree
noun (plural in·creas·es)
It’s a voter—
Ground—Any AFF could make a cosmetic change to status quo trade policy and avoid ALL generic link arguments based off increased economic ties.
Limits—Justifies millions of foreign affs at the middle of the year—we cant adequately prep without trade as a stable focal point
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The struggle over the question of who counts as human is THE question of the debate—the system of colonialism instituted by European powers in the 15th and 16th centuries haunts the present in the form of coloniality—an epistemological structure that privileges the Western subject as the only legitimate expression of human knowledge. The question of Latin American engagement can only be answered when we first unsettle the coloniality of knowledge and being that has demarcated the majority of the world as subhuman populations given over to death.
Wynter 2003 (Sylvia, Professor of Romance Languages at Stanford University, “Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom¶ Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation—An Argument,” CR: The New Centennial Review, 3.3 (2003) 257-337, MUSE)
THE ARGUMENT PROPOSES THAT THE STRUGGLE OF OUR NEW MILLENNIUM WILL be one between the
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the other, African enslavement, Latin American conquest, and Asian subjugation.
That’s particularly true for Cuba. Small tactical shifts in posture will be used by capitalist imperialists to strong-arm Cuba into accepting neoliberal globalization.
Nahem, coordinator of Cuba Solidarity New York, ’10 Ike, “Obama and Cuba: End of an Illusion”, March 16th, http://dissidentvoice.org/2010/03/obama-and-cuba-end-of-an-illusion/
Under the new Obama Administration there was a tactical diplomatic shift — a necessary retreat
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, now you must basically commit suicide and end the Revolution in exchange.”
The affirmative’s economic engagement with Latin America is just one more manifestation of 500 years of coloniality—the promise of prosperity, democracy, and security is a toxic fantasy that obscures the trail of dead reaching back through time.
Mignolo 2005, (Walter, Duke University, “THE IDEA OF LATIN AMERICA”, 2005, 6/28/13|Ashwin)
The logic of coloniality can be understood as working through four wide domains of human
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very idea of both “America” and “Latin” America..4ever
International agriculture agreemnts reinforce cycles of poverty – they play into aggressive domination rooted in the Western dominated elements of foreign policy
Ellinger-Locke 2011
Maggie "FOOD SOVEREIGNTY IS A GENDERED ISSUE" Buffalo Environmental Law Journal 18 Buff. Envt'l. L.J. 157 J.D. from CUNY of Law in 2011, and her B.A. in ecofeminism from Antioch College. She is admitted into the Missouri Bar where she is a practicing criminal defense attorney MI
Food production has been regulated through a series of international agreements. In 1961,
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CBD has provided a framework on which a future agreement can be built.
NAFTA, World Bank, IMF, WTO are the modern imperialist tools of the US
Banerjee 09 ( Subhabrata Bobby. HISTORIES OF OPPRESSION AND VOICES OF RESISTANCE: TOWARDS A THEORY OF THE TRANSLOCAL. REARTIKULACIJA #9, 2009. http://www.reartikulacija.org/?p=612/)
Old patterns of imperialism can be seen in the dominance of neoliberal policies in today’s
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dispossession: management by extraction, management by exclusion and management by expulsion.
Coloniality naturalizes a non-ethics of death and generalizes the condition of damnation—ongoing genocide, enslavement, ecological destruction and unending war is produced by and reproduces colonial epistmeologies.
Maldonado-Torres 2008 Nelson. “Against War : Views from the Underside of Modernity”¶ Durham, NC, USA: Duke University Press, 2008. p 215-217¶ http://site.ebrary.com/lib/utexas/Doc?id=10217191andppg=52
Dussel, Quijano, and Wynter lead us to the understanding that what happened in
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a world, ontology collapses into a Manicheanism, as Fanon suggested.72
Our alternative is to delink from the current epistemic frame
Mignolo 09 (Walter, Professor of literature-Duke University, Ph.D. from the Ecole des Hautes Etudes, academic director of Duke in the Andes, an interdisciplinary program in Latin American and Andean Studies in Quito, Ecuador at Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador and the Universidad Politécnica Salesiana, “Epistemic Disobedience,¶ Independent Thought and¶ De-Colonial Freedom” ,Theory, Culture and Society 2009)
ONCE UPON a¶ time scholars assumed that the knowing subject in¶ the disciplines
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who take ‘originality’ as the ultimate criterion for the final¶ judgment.
And we must decolonize debate—Western epistemologies continue colonial schooling designed to reproduce coloniality—from the “moral project” of educating and civilizing the Indians to teaching of social Darwinism in the Congo. Decolonizing education requires not only an analysis of the knowledge, power, Eurocentrism, and political economy inherent in educational activities like debate but also foregrounding the possibility of epistemic resistance.
Shahjahan 2011 Riyad Ahmed, Assistant Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education (HALE) at Michigan State University. Ph.D. at the OISE/University of Toronto in Higher Education. “Decolonizing the evidence-based education and policy movement:¶ revealing the colonial vestiges in educational policy, research, and¶ neoliberal reform” Online publication date: 22 March 201, Journal of Education Policy, 26: 2,¶ 181 — 206 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2010.508176
Revisiting histories of colonial educational policy in schooling helps us contextualize¶ and demonstrate how evidence-based education, tied to high-stakes testing and¶ neoliberalism, reproduces past colonial ideologies with respect to developing colonized¶ labor. Throughout European colonialism, schooling was not only used to colonize¶ the minds to force cultural assimilation or acceptance of colonial rule, but also to¶ produce a reservoir of subservient labor that would harvest and mine commodities for¶ the imperial economy. For instance, in North America, colonial schooling ‘introduced¶ the concept of forced labor as part of Indian education, transforming the ostensibly¶ “moral project” of civilizing Indians into a for-profit enterprise’ (Grande 2004, 13). In¶ boarding schools, part of the most important feature of the colonialist curriculum ‘was¶ the inculcation of the industrial or “Protestant” work ethic’ (13). In the Belgian¶ Congo, Darwin’s scientific racism was the dominant discourse among Belgian colonizers,¶ and it influenced their colonial educational policy. For the Belgian government¶ and leaders of industry, the Congolese was to learn in school a work ethos that clearly¶ catered to the economic endeavor, and to mold the Congolese playfulness and laziness¶ into a life of ‘progress,’ order and discipline (Seghers 2004, 465). In Hawaii, colonial¶ schools ‘became less a means of religious conversion and more a site for socializing¶ Hawaiian and immigrant children for work on the plantation’ (Kaomea 2000, 322). In¶ Africa in general, Urch notes: The demand for skilled native labor by the white settlers and commercial leaders caused¶ the colonial administrators to reevaluate the educational program of the missions.¶ Education solely for proselytization was not considered sufficient to enable the colonies’¶ economy to expand. Government officials saw the need for an educational process that¶ would help to break down tribal solidarity and force the African into a money economy.¶ (1971, 252)¶ In short, colonial schooling played a significant role in disciplining the minds and¶ bodies of the colonized for imperial profit.¶ Interestingly, when it came to ‘pillars of the curriculum,’ what was common¶ among many colonial environments, ‘were religion and the legendary “3Rs”¶ Reading, (W)riting and “Rithmetic”’ (Sjöström 2001, 79). These pillars of the¶ curriculum very much parallel, with a slight change, the curriculum that is tested via¶ PISA and TIMSS which concentrates on reading, math, and science. In the contemporary¶ context, science has replaced the pillar of religion in the curriculum. Also, in the¶ present context, the neoliberal economy has replaced the old imperial economy, but¶ the objective for schooling still stays the same, which is to produce a labor force for¶ the global economy. As Lipman points out, these accountability reforms ‘certify that¶ students that graduate from’ schooling ‘will have the basic literacies and disciplined¶ dispositions’ needed for a global workforce (2003, 340). International organizations¶ such as the OECD and the World Bank, have replaced the old adage ‘protestant work¶ ethic’ of colonial schooling, with the knowledge and skills to function in the knowledge¶ economy, such as literacy to manipulate information, problem solving, math, and¶ science (Spring 2009). In other words, like colonial schooling, education via neoliberal¶ reform is working towards reproducing a labor force and objectification of the¶ colonized. Ceasire’s argument of ‘thingification’ fits very well with the colonizing of¶ bodies in neoliberal educational reform. Teachers, students, and education in general¶ are all objectified and reduced to commodities to serve the global economy. To this¶ end, Lipman states: Students are reduced to test scores, future slots in the labor market, prison numbers, and¶ possible cannon fodder in military conquests. Teachers are reduced to technicians and¶ supervisors in the education assembly line – ‘objects’ rather than ‘subjects’ of history.¶ This system is fundamentally about the negation of human agency, despite the good¶ intentions of individuals at all levels. (2004, 179)¶ Global colonialism continues with the evidence-based education movement, as education¶ is increasingly reduced into standardized packages that can be sold in the global¶ marketplace, while at the same time promoting a system of education that is focused¶ on training a skilled workforce that will operate in the global labor market (Lipman¶ 2004; Berry 2008; Spring 2009; Rizvi and Lingard 2010). To this end, Fanon states:¶ I came into the world imbued with the will to find a meaning in things, my spirit filled¶ with the desire to attain to the source of the world, and then I found that I was an object¶ in the midst of other objects. (1967, 109).¶ The desires and agencies of many teachers, students, and educational leaders are being¶ stripped away, while at the same time they are turned into ‘an object in the midst of¶ other objects’ through the neoliberal logic of evidence-based education. In summary,¶ the neoliberal agenda, currently dominant in education systems around the world, reproduces¶ colonial educational policies. Within the evidence-based education movement, the epistemic and material are not separate but are intertwined in colonial discourse¶ and history. As this section demonstrates, evidence-based education not only colonizes¶ education epistemologically, but also perpetuates materialist power relations and¶ disciplines bodies of the colonized to serve the global economy.¶ Concluding remarks and implications¶ Unless educational reform happens concurrently with analysis of the forces of colonialism,¶ it can only serve as a insufficient Band-aid over the incessant wound of imperialism.¶ (Grande 2004, 19)¶ Grande eloquently summarizes the intention behind this article, which is to offer a¶ conceptual map linking events of the colonial past with a present movement that¶ continues to perpetuate colonial discourses and practices within educational policy.¶ My hope is that the analysis presented in this paper provides an alteration in terms on¶ what is unsaid or left out in educational policy and bolsters a critical analysis of power¶ in educational policy. I argue in this paper that the evidence-based education movement¶ is very much tied to multiple colonial discourses, which can be traced back to a¶ colonial history that has simply been ignored in the literature. In other words, this article¶ challenges us to move beyond the confines of Eurocentrism and historical amnesia¶ to critically examine evidence-based education and to contextualize this movement¶ within colonial discourses and histories. It is my hope that this article demonstrates the usefulness of the anticolonial lens¶ in examining educational policy. This framework foregrounds the intersections¶ between knowledge, power, Eurocentrism, colonial history, and political economy, in¶ educational policy. The epistemic, cultural, and material perspectives in anticolonial¶ thought are applicable to policy analysis. This is evident in the way that ‘educational¶ research,’ ‘evidence,’ ‘curriculum,’ and ‘learning outcomes’ are being defined and¶ re-imagined in evidence-based education, as these are ultimately shaped by material¶ relations of power that are colonizing. For instance, common to any colonial¶ discourse is the rationale for purifying administration in the name of efficiency, and a¶ binaristic civilizing narrative is used in this regard. By naming and representing¶ education as a field in chaos, evidence-based education proponents, with good intentions,¶ are justifying actions and measures to make education systems more evidencebased¶ and in turn standardize and rationalize complex educational processes. As this¶ paper demonstrates, many proponents of evidence-based education profess an¶ educational policy with the intention of improving learning for all students (which¶ may be their full intent), but their discourse continues to perpetuate colonized power¶ relationships. In other words, they are unknowingly striving to control and ‘tame’¶ education through evidence-based education. An anticolonial lens also reminds us how social hierarchies and knowledge¶ systems were used to justify colonial interventions with the objective of reshaping¶ society in order to exploit the labor and material resources of the colonized, and allow¶ for certain power relations to be legitimized. In the evidence-based education movement,¶ we see the mobilization of colonial discourse with regard to the way ‘evidence’¶ and ‘learning’ is being constructed and used to purify the production of knowledge to¶ meet neoliberal ends of education. Furthermore, the anticolonial lens reveals the¶ commodification, objectification, and dehumanization of bodies and knowledge¶ systems in colonial processes. This article demonstrates how this ‘thingification’ occurs in evidence-based education for teachers, students, and educational leaders. An¶ anticolonial lens cannot separate the political economy from the epistemic issues. To¶ this end, this paper demonstrates how evidence-based education is part of a neoliberal¶ agenda which is also tied to global colonialism and the production of colonized labor.¶ In short, an anticolonial lens helps to bring forward the social–historical–political¶ processes that stem from colonial relations of power and informs contemporary¶ knowledge production, validation, and dissemination in educational policy. An anticolonial lens also stresses that colonial discourses and material relations of¶ power are not absolute, and that the colonized also have discursive and material¶ agency. To this end, one of the limitations of my analysis is that it overlooks the¶ agency among the colonized, and has presented evidence-based education as a monolithic¶ discourse with homogenizing effects, rather than a partial discourse that is¶ contested and lived differently from its intentions. Historically, and in present¶ contexts, imperialism and colonialism were never monolithic or unidirectional, and¶ the boundaries between colonizers and colonized were not clearly demarcated (see¶ Cooper and Stoler 1997; Young 2001; Bush 2006). Similarly, evidence-based education¶ is not an absolute, unidirectional discourse. From an anticolonial lens, we need to¶ look for those sites of resistance and discrepancies to highlight the limitations/¶ inequities of evidence-based education and bring those struggles to the foreground. To¶ this end, I will now discuss some examples of the ‘tensions’ and resistances to¶ evidence-based education. For instance, in Canada, the British Columbia Teacher’s¶ Federation has led a campaign to resist the Foundations Skills Assessment instituted¶ by the provincial government (http://www.bctf.ca/fsa.aspx). In Ontario, African-¶ Canadian parents are frustrated with the Toronto public schooling system failing to¶ respond to the needs of Black youth and are demanding Africentric schools from the¶ Toronto District School Board (Adjei and Agyepong 2009). In the USA, Fine et al.¶ (2007) describe, how schools, communities, parents, and grandparents are engaged in¶ active resistance to such accountability measures and schooling. Chicago residents of¶ Little Village have launched an organizing campaign for a local high school dedicated¶ to culture, community, and activism, which culminated in a 19-day hunger strike by¶ Latino high school students, educators, community organizers, residents, and even¶ grandmothers. Similarly, in a California community, largely populated by migrant¶ families, the school district, joined by nine other districts and civil rights organizations,¶ sued the state over the improper use of English-language assessments to test¶ English Language Learners and the sanctions they face under NCLB (Fine et al.¶ 2007). Teachers also have the agency to interpret, disseminate, and act on the information¶ based on such accountability policies (Lipman 2002; Ball 2003; Sloan 2007). Some¶ teachers have left the profession as an act of resistance because these accountability¶ trends no longer reflect their critical educational philosophy (McNeil 2000; Lipman¶ 2002; Ball 2003). Other teachers enact resistance by subverting the official test-based¶ curriculum. For instance, as one Chicago school teacher put it:¶ I think that we are having a rough time, that sometimes we may lean a little bit more¶ towards CPS policies and other times we lean a little bit more to ‘screw CPS’ and focus¶ on critical thinking skills. (Lipman 2002, 392)¶ Some still display ambivalence towards teaching for the test for the purpose of¶ surveillance: I have mixed feelings about it … I think it’s how we interpret the results. If we use it to¶ say our school is better than yours, then I don’t want to do it. If we use it so that we can¶ help the teachers program better for the kids, then that is more useful as a tool. (Canadian¶ Grade 3 teacher, cited in Childs and Fung 2009, 9)¶ In short, teachers, students, parents, families, and community activists have demonstrated¶ the agency to negotiate and contest these colonial discourses in every day¶ practice. Accountability reforms, tied with evidence-based education, depending on¶ context, have also had multiple effects on schools and curricula, and also have critics¶ from within. Scholars have noted how the colonizing effects of accountability reform¶ on schooling and resistance to these reforms depend on the context and the questions¶ of race, class, language, and localized policies (Lipman 2002, 2003; Earl and Fullan¶ 2003; Maxcy 2006). For instance, in her study on the impact of accountability reform¶ for four Chicago schools, Lipman notes how these ‘schools’ responses to accountability¶ are closely linked to past and present race and class advantages, the relative political¶ power of their communities, and new forms of racialization’ (2003, 338).¶ Moreover, in a significant minority of cases, high-stakes testing has led to curricular¶ content expansion, the integration of knowledge, and more student-centered, cooperative¶ pedagogies, such as in secondary social studies and language arts (Au 2007).¶ Hence, the nature of high-stakes-test-induced curricular control is highly dependent¶ on the structures of the tests themselves (Au 2007). In summary, high-stakes testing¶ does not produce a monolithic effect, but has heterogeneous results depending on¶ questions of social difference and context. Furthermore, proponents of evidence-based¶ education ‘are not monolithic and that at least some of them are open to dialog on the¶ issues on which we disagree’ (Maxwell 2004, 39). In short, an acknowledgment of the¶ colonial historical legacy of the evidence-based education movement may help us¶ move beyond a discourse of sameness in colonial discourse, and start thinking about¶ the possibilities, interruptions, contestations, and resistances to the colonizing effects¶ of evidence-based education. Recently, there has been growing ethnographic studies¶ that examine such sites of resistance and contradictions at the ground level. These¶ spaces are where future studies and dialog could focus their attention. In terms of policy and educational practice, an anticolonial lens motivates us to ask¶ a different set of questions and re-imagine educational research, practice, and policy.¶ For instance, what is being left out in the discussion of evidence-based education¶ movement is the glaring systemic inequities that are privileging some bodies¶ (students, teachers, and administrators) and knowledge systems (language, curricula,¶ and culture) over others (see McNeil 2000; Lipman 2004; Valuenzela 2005; Maxcy¶ 2006), that are tied to the global economy (Stewart-Harawira 2005). Rather than blaming¶ students, teachers, and administrators for progress in public tests, and working¶ from a deficit model, we need to shift our attention towards deploying significant¶ material and intellectual resources to serve diverse needs and minoritized bodies¶ (Lipman 2002, 2003), and challenge global economic systems. Furthermore, instead¶ of looking for the pitfalls of educational practice, we could ask and explore the following¶ questions (see Asa Hilliard cited in Lemons-Smith 2008; Hood and Hopson 2008):¶ How does academic excellence flourish in schools attended mostly by minoritized¶ students? How do teachers who reject the status quo and define excellence as responding¶ to community needs, find ways to promote excellence for all students regardless¶ of their circumstances? ‘Student achievement at what cost’ Michael Dantley, personal communication? What ideological paradigms underlie teacher education?¶ What is the role of teacher preparation programs in perpetuating and promoting these¶ values of equity and social justice?¶ Finally, in terms of educational policy, we may ask: whose cultural assumptions¶ and histories inform such accountability systems, ‘evidence,’ ‘data,’ and ‘learning¶ outcomes?’ ‘Whose notions of evidence matter most? And to whom does evidence¶ matter most?’ (Hood and Hopson 2008, 418). According to Stanfield (1999) and¶ Gillborn (2005), educational policy and research continue to impose the standards and¶ products of White supremacy on the racially minoritized. As Stanfield states:¶ Implicit White supremacy norms and values contribute … to Eurocentric concepts and¶ measurement epistemologies, techniques, and interpretations … Concretely, in the¶ United States and elsewhere in the West, … it has been considered normative to consider¶ Eurocentric notions and experiences as the baseline, as the yardstick to compare and¶ contrast the notions and experiences of people of color. This is … most apparent in¶ designing, implementing, and interpreting standardized tests and survey instruments.¶ (1999, 421)¶ I would argue that we need to ‘reappropriate’ evidence-based education to include a¶ broader array of evidence, experiences, and cultural knowledges (Luke 2003, 98; see¶ also Stanfield 1999; Valuenzela, Prieto, and Hamilton 2007). Finally, borrowing the¶ words of Asa Hilliard III, we need to ask, ‘do we have the will to educate all children’¶ (cited in Lemons-Smith 2008, 908), to respond to the needs, survival, self-determination,¶ and sovereignty of their respective communities and the planet? (see also Dei 2000;¶ Grande 2004). In an era of transnational capital, where ‘globalized discourses and agendasetting¶ and policy pressures now emerge from beyond the nation’(Rizvi and Lingard¶ 2010, 14–15), we need to have transnational dialogs (Mohanty 2003) on the impact of¶ evidence-based education and neoliberal reform across borders and social institutions.¶ This is because such transnational alliances and solidarity are needed to contest global¶ forces informed by transnational corporations as well as international organizations¶ such as the World Bank and OECD. What is noteworthy and rarely discussed, are the¶ similarities and differences in the discourses and effects of evidence-based education¶ movement across the three nation-states analyzed in this paper. Future research could¶ speculate and study how these ideas of evidence-based education circulate and move¶ across borders (see Rizvi and Lingard 2010).¶ Finally, as someone who has had the privilege to teach research methodology to¶ graduate students (including teachers, teacher educators, principals, and superintendents),¶ I am alarmed by how many of my students grumble about standardized testing,¶ and some even focus their research on such topics. What is also disconcerting is how¶ many of my students have a hard time imagining research and evidence that go¶ beyond numbers because of the ‘numbers game’ they must play in their daily working¶ lives. These trends are not a reflection of my students’ inabilities to see beyond¶ numbers, but a testament to the hegemony of the structural environment that reminds¶ them of what constitutes valid knowledge every day. Also of great concern is the¶ speed at which educational leaders, students, and teachers are being rushed through¶ standardized processes that leave little time for reflection, authenticity, and healing.¶ Many of my students have shared these accounts in my classroom, with me in person,¶ and in their reflection papers. For instance, one student who is currently a high school¶ teacher commented in a recent email: ‘The standards and objectives themselves work to eliminate any third space or anticolonial space. We read, write, process for the sole¶ purpose of testing and not for liberation.’¶ In this regard, I propose that we need to ‘slow down’ in educational practice and¶ policy. To this end, I am reminded of the words of Malidoma Some, an African Shaman¶ healer, who stated ‘while that the indigenous world looks, the industrial world over¶ looks’ (emphasis added). Educators, teachers, students, and policy-makers need time,¶ not to be given more information for decision-making or learning, but more importantly¶ to assess what we are overlooking in educating future generations. For instance, we¶ need more time to come together, dialog, heal, build reciprocity, understand difference,¶ and re-imagine educational policy and practice for the benefit of future generations. It¶ is only by slowing down that we will realize that our students, educational researchers,¶ teachers, and administrators are not ‘uncultivated soil,’ in the words of La Casas, but¶ rather seeds with the power within to germinate on their own if they are provided the¶ freedom, resources, and time. Slowing down is what I believe decolonizing education¶ means in this era of neoliberal policies and transnational capital!
WTO
Nuke war won’t cause extinction—multiple warrants
J.R. Nyquist 99, WorldNetDaily contributing editor and author of ‘Origins of the Fourth World War,’ May 20, 1999, Antipas, “Is Nuclear War Survivable?” http://www.antipas.org/news/world/nuclear_war.html
I patiently reply to these correspondents that nuclear war would not be the end of
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down and die. Nor would they necessarily suffer a disastrous social disorganization.”
Reject try or die logic at the heart of linear predictive scenarios—so called experts distort rational risk analysis by relying on high-magnitude impacts based on decontextualized internal-link chains.
Kessler ‘8 Oliver Kessler, Sociology at University of Bielefeld, “From Insecurity to Uncertainty: Risk and the Paradox of Security Politics” Alternatives 33 (2008), 211-232
If the risk of terrorism is defined in traditional terms by probability and potential loss
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prevail than in situations where security problems can be assessed with relative certainty.
This proves—Resource war Studies are flawed and economic scarcity is overstated.
Dan Deudney 99, Ass. Prof. of Political Sci. at Johns Hopkins, Contested Grounds: Security and Conflict in the New Environmental Politics, Eds. Deudney and Matthews p 205-6
The hypothesis that states will begin fighting each other as natural resources are depleted and
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prices to the benefit of Third World raw material suppliers, prices have fallen
The aff’s economic focus is indicative of a larger colonial objective to create “correct consumptions” – where the “savage” is “civilized” through the consumption of US goods
Domosh 2006 Mona, Joan p. And edward j. Foley, jr 1933 department chair, professor of geography at Dartmouth, Ph.D., Clark University, “American Commodities in an Age of Empire” Published in 2006 by¶ Routledge¶ Taylor and Francis Group
This social maintenance becomes particularly interesting when¶ we consider that part of what fueled
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an American¶ commercial empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
The WTO has sidelined those it promised to help and actually made situations worse in non-Western countries
Guardian 11 (Aurielle Walker, Staff writer for The Guardian, “The WTO has failed developing nations” 14 November 2011 http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2011/nov/14/wto-fails-developing-countries)
But the WTO membership has failed to deliver the promised pro-development changes
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when the model of global competitiveness between countries becomes one of genuine cooperation.
Their concern for Latin American help is disingenuous – political stability is a tool to mask economic interests in the region that further American intervention and imperialism.
Slater, 2004 David Slater, Emeritus Professor of Political Geography, and Associate Fellow of the Institute for the Study of the Americas at the University of London, Geopolitics and the Postcolonial: Rethinking North-South Relations, Blackwell Publishing Ltd
Roosevelt’s ‘good neighbour’ approach to Latin America – which, as will be seen
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Administration as ‘the good neighbor of tyrants’ (Rosenberg 1982: 227).
The WTO kills people and exacerbates hunger, poverty, and disease by trampling on smaller underdeveloped countries
Global Exchange 13 (no author, Global Exchange - international human rights organization dedicated to promoting social, economic and environmental justice around the world “Top Reasons to Oppose the WTO” http://www.globalexchange.org/resources/wto/oppose)
6. The WTO is Killing People¶ The WTO’s fierce defense of ‘Trade
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their laws and constitutions in anticipation of potential future WTO rulings and negotiations.
IP
IPR Treaties hurt developing countries
US News 9/22/10 (Developing Countries May Not Benefit From Adopting International Treaties, US News and World Report, http://www.usnews.com/science/articles/2010/09/22/developing-countries-may-not-benefit-from-adopting-international-treaties)
A new study by an Oregon State University business professor has found that developing countries
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the Paris Convention and waiting until they have increased their domestic innovation base.
International law is a eurocentric notion used to objectify and make dispensible non-european subjects
Mignolo 09(Walter D. Dispensible and Bare Lives. Coloniality and the Hidden Political/Economic Agenda of Modernity. HUMAN ARCHITECTURE: JOURNAL OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF SELF-KNOWLEDGE, VII, 2, SPRING 2009, 69-88. Duke University. )
International Law is an integral part of¶ coloniality: it legalizes the rhetoric of
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, unless they¶ agreed with the terms stipulated by European law-makers
Their food scenarios don’t assume market adjustment
Dan Deudney 99, Ass. Prof. of Political Sci. at Johns Hopkins, Contested Grounds: Security and Conflict in the New Environmental Politics, Eds. Deudney and Matthews p 205-6
The hypothesis that states will begin fighting each other as natural resources are depleted and
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prices to the benefit of Third World raw material suppliers, prices have fallen
The medicine doesn’t go globall—the fact that large pharmaceutical businesses control things like insulin productions means they can just jack up prices
Angell 11, Marcia, writer of The Truth about the Drug Companies, The Truth About Big Pharma : Exposing The Evils of Drug Companies, http://shimla.hubpages.com/hub/Drug-Companies-and-their-Evil-Ways)//AG
Marcia Angell MD, in her book, The Truth about the Drug Companies,
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36 of sales revenue – 250 more than RandD.
Disease are short term – They evolve to be benign.
AMNH 98 The American Museum of Natural History “How did Hyperdisease cause extinctions?” http://www.amnh.org/science/biodiversity/extinction/Day1/disease/Bit2.html
It is well known that lethal diseases can have a profound effect on species' population
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be maintained within the host population, thus ensuring the pathogen's ultimate survival.
2. No terminal impact – Too fast or too slow.
The Independent 03 “Future Tense: Is Mankind Doomed?” http://www.commondreams.org/headlines03/0725-04.htm
Maybe - though plenty of experienced graduate students could already have a stab. But
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. As scares go, this one is ideal - overblown and unrealistic.
3. No risk of big impact – Quarantines check.
Pharma Investments, Ventures and Law Weekly 05 “SARS; Quarantine is cost saving and effective in containing emerging infections” Lexis
Quarantine is cost saving and effective in containing emerging infections. "Over time,
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. J Infect, 2005;50(5):386-393).