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Tournament | Round | Opponent | Judge | Cites | Round Report | Open Source | Edit/Delete |
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ASU | 3 | Head Royce TP | Connor Woodruff |
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ASU | 2 | Peak to Peak HJ | Pierce Young |
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ASU | 5 | Loyola AC | Lizzy Canarie |
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ASU | Octas | Polytechnic HM | Max Bugrov, Jack McGougon, Tim Lewis |
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Alta | 1 | Hillcrest High HO | David Gardner |
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Alta | 6 | Meadows CN | Alex Velto |
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Alta | 3 | Gulliver Prep SH | Steven Sadler |
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Berkeley | 1 | Coppell PS | Max Bugrov |
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Berkeley | 3 | Leucadia Independent GY | Scott Phillips |
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Berkeley | 6 | Desert Vista LT | Collin Roark |
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Berkeley | 7 | Niles West AB | Jordon Newton |
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Berkeley | Triples | University Prep DK | Mike Baxter-Kauf, Roger Copenhaver, Steven Sander |
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Bingham | 2 | Highland BG | Scott Odekirk |
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Bingham | 3 | Rowland Hall LN | Christian Luciani |
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Bingham | 6 | Rowland Hall GK | Jamie Cheek |
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Gonzaga | 1 | Heritage Hall CN | James Elias |
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Gonzaga | 4 | St Francis GR | Matt Filpi |
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Gonzaga | 5 | Puget SoundInterlake LM | Taylor Coles |
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Gonzaga | Quarters | St Vincent de Paul MY | Bill Smelko, Mark Weinhardt, Joe Skoog |
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Meadows | 4 | CPS HJ | Mike Eisenstadt |
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Meadows | 2 | Gulliver Prep RM | Kendra Doty |
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Meadows | 6 | St Vincent De Paul MY | Christian Rodriguez |
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NDCA | 4 | CPS AG | Sarah Topp |
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NDCA | 5 | CPS HJ | Andrew Arsht |
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NDCA | 1 | Blake SW | Kirk Evans |
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Notre Dame | 4 | Rowland Hall RW | Ideen Saiedian |
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Notre Dame | 2 | Palos Verde Peninsula SW | Kendra Doty |
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Notre Dame | 6 | Damien LL | Scott Phillips |
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Notre Dame | Octas | Rowland Hall KG | Misty Tippets, Chris Crowe, Kendra Doty |
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UNLV | 2 | Harker DS | Flynn Makuch |
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UNLV | 3 | Damien ML | Stephen Weil |
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UNLV | 5 | St Vincent de Paul MY | Alyssa Lucas-Bolin |
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UNLV | Quarters | Harker KM | Aaron Kall, Stephen Weil, Kade Cottrell |
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UNLV | Octas | Wayzata NG | Alyssa Lucas-Bolin, Ross Garrett, Christian Bato |
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USC Round Robin | 1 | Notre Dame LP | Mike Shackleford and Bill Smelko |
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USC Round Robin | 2 | South East PR | Chris Crowe and Scott Phillips |
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USC Round Robin | 7 | Carrollton GR | Clara Purk and Jon Williamson |
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USC Round Robin | 3 | Harker KM | Andres Gannon and Tom Woodhead |
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Tournament | Round | Report |
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ASU | 3 | Opponent: Head Royce TP | Judge: Connor Woodruff 1AC- Trafficking |
ASU | 2 | Opponent: Peak to Peak HJ | Judge: Pierce Young 1AC- Mex Biofuels |
ASU | 5 | Opponent: Loyola AC | Judge: Lizzy Canarie 1AC- Cuban Embargo |
ASU | Octas | Opponent: Polytechnic HM | Judge: Max Bugrov, Jack McGougon, Tim Lewis 1AC- La Malinche |
Alta | 1 | Opponent: Hillcrest High HO | Judge: David Gardner 1AC- Cuban Embargo Biotech Human Rights Warming |
Alta | 6 | Opponent: Meadows CN | Judge: Alex Velto 1AC- Embargo Brazilian Prolif HegRels |
Alta | 3 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep SH | Judge: Steven Sadler 1AC- Cuban Embargo Structural Violence Hospitality |
Berkeley | 1 | Opponent: Coppell PS | Judge: Max Bugrov 1AC - Subaltern Structural Violence |
Berkeley | 3 | Opponent: Leucadia Independent GY | Judge: Scott Phillips 1AC - Cuban Embargo |
Berkeley | 6 | Opponent: Desert Vista LT | Judge: Collin Roark 1AC - Guest Workers |
Berkeley | 7 | Opponent: Niles West AB | Judge: Jordon Newton 1AC - NADBANK |
Berkeley | Triples | Opponent: University Prep DK | Judge: Mike Baxter-Kauf, Roger Copenhaver, Steven Sander 1AC - Latin America Antiblackness |
Bingham | 2 | Opponent: Highland BG | Judge: Scott Odekirk 1AC - WoD Mexico |
Bingham | 3 | Opponent: Rowland Hall LN | Judge: Christian Luciani 1AC - Cuba LNG |
Bingham | 6 | Opponent: Rowland Hall GK | Judge: Jamie Cheek 1AC - Baudrillard Gift |
1 | Opponent: Email | Judge: Email Emails | |
Gonzaga | 1 | Opponent: Heritage Hall CN | Judge: James Elias 1AC- Cuba AntiBlackness |
Gonzaga | 4 | Opponent: St Francis GR | Judge: Matt Filpi 1AC- Maquiladoras |
Gonzaga | 5 | Opponent: Puget SoundInterlake LM | Judge: Taylor Coles 1AC- Borders |
Gonzaga | Quarters | Opponent: St Vincent de Paul MY | Judge: Bill Smelko, Mark Weinhardt, Joe Skoog 1AC- Latin America Capitalism |
Meadows | 4 | Opponent: CPS HJ | Judge: Mike Eisenstadt 1AC- Cuba Terror List- Politics Ethics Epistemology |
Meadows | 2 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep RM | Judge: Kendra Doty 1AC- Cuban Embargo- Human Rights Freedom of Speech Framing |
Meadows | 6 | Opponent: St Vincent De Paul MY | Judge: Christian Rodriguez 1AC- Zapatistas |
NDCA | 4 | Opponent: CPS AG | Judge: Sarah Topp 1AC - Critical Terror List |
NDCA | 5 | Opponent: CPS HJ | Judge: Andrew Arsht 1AC - Critical Terror List |
NDCA | 1 | Opponent: Blake SW | Judge: Kirk Evans 1AC - Port of Entries |
Notre Dame | 4 | Opponent: Rowland Hall RW | Judge: Ideen Saiedian 1AC- Guest Workers- Ag Manufacturing |
Notre Dame | 2 | Opponent: Palos Verde Peninsula SW | Judge: Kendra Doty 1AC- Embargo- Liberal Order Ag |
Notre Dame | 6 | Opponent: Damien LL | Judge: Scott Phillips 1AC- Fund the Maquiladoras ManufacturingChina |
Notre Dame | Octas | Opponent: Rowland Hall KG | Judge: Misty Tippets, Chris Crowe, Kendra Doty 1AC- Hillman |
UNLV | 2 | Opponent: Harker DS | Judge: Flynn Makuch 1AC - IFF's |
UNLV | 3 | Opponent: Damien ML | Judge: Stephen Weil 1AC - Fund the Maquiladoras |
UNLV | 5 | Opponent: St Vincent de Paul MY | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin 1AC- Latin America Cap |
UNLV | Quarters | Opponent: Harker KM | Judge: Aaron Kall, Stephen Weil, Kade Cottrell 1AC- IFF's |
UNLV | Octas | Opponent: Wayzata NG | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin, Ross Garrett, Christian Bato 1AC- IFF's |
USC Round Robin | 1 | Opponent: Notre Dame LP | Judge: Mike Shackleford and Bill Smelko 1AC- Trafficking |
USC Round Robin | 2 | Opponent: South East PR | Judge: Chris Crowe and Scott Phillips 1AC- Embargo- Public Health Agriculture Framing |
USC Round Robin | 7 | Opponent: Carrollton GR | Judge: Clara Purk and Jon Williamson 1AC- EmIm Biofuels |
USC Round Robin | 3 | Opponent: Harker KM | Judge: Andres Gannon and Tom Woodhead 1AC- IFF's |
To modify or delete round reports, edit the associated round.
Entry | Date |
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3rd World Intellectualism Turn ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 3 | Opponent: Head Royce TP | Judge: Connor Woodruff The Orientalist has a special … have had our consciousnesses “raised.” *Note – under erasure More than a struggle to … promise of quotidian practical intimacy. | 1/10/14 |
AIDs Discourse USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 1 | Opponent: Notre Dame LP | Judge: Mike Shackleford and Bill Smelko Aids Discourse causes hetereonormative domination There are three stages to …. Barbados to illustrate its importance. This is the domination and … whiteness, that this text moves. Decision rule: our task here as scholars of economic and migration policy is to interrogate dominant power structures and the relegation of certain bodies to the periphery. Lessons drawn from analyzing power, … abjection of queers and queerness. | 11/3/13 |
Abolish Terror List CP MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 4 | Opponent: CPS HJ | Judge: Mike Eisenstadt Revisions to SST list fall short of any broader ideological reform – only removing access to the distinction prompts change From a discourse analytic perspective, … number of distinctly ideological purposes. | 10/28/13 |
Aersols Turn ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 2 | Opponent: Peak to Peak HJ | Judge: Pierce Young Last of all, Rosenfeld (2000) used … tend to cool the globe. | 1/10/14 |
Ag Turn Alta Round 1Tournament: Alta | Round: 1 | Opponent: Hillcrest High HO | Judge: David Gardner The agricultural revolution in Cuba …their innovations, but for inspiration. Lifting sanctions destroys cubas model The greatest challenge to Cuba's …strategies for sustainable rural development. That solves extinction An adequate food supply is … supply of fresh, nutritious food. | 12/7/13 |
Ahmed Turn ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 3 | Opponent: Head Royce TP | Judge: Connor Woodruff Ahmed 04. 37. Of course, if you live.. subject-constitution of whiteness studies? | 1/10/14 |
Badiou Ethics Turn ASUTournament: ASU | Round: Octas | Opponent: Polytechnic HM | Judge: Max Bugrov, Jack McGougon, Tim Lewis
| 1/12/14 |
Bifo K BerkeleyTournament: Berkeley | Round: 1 | Opponent: Coppell PS | Judge: Max Bugrov It’s a strange word, that … info-labor no longer allows. Thus the alternative – in the face of economic rationality we should withdraw from necronomics. As capitalism withers away we must save desire and autonomy by withdrawing from impositions like the maintenance of a neoliberal subject. We must use the recession and recovery as an opportunity to proliferate singularities as self-creative processes capable of retaining value and sustaining freedom. Activism has generally conceived the … considered as an unending process. | 2/17/14 |
Bio-D bad ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 2 | Opponent: Peak to Peak HJ | Judge: Pierce Young Although these and other experiments … rather than simply counting species. B. Species extinctions are essential to stopping exponential population growth – the impact is extinction of all life on the planet The system of life on … to start again from scratch. | 1/10/14 |
Biotech Turn AltaTournament: Alta | Round: 3 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep SH | Judge: Steven Sadler For a week after Cuba … to contain a synthetic antigen. Despite all the atrocity and …taxes on unhealthy food, etcetera. US embargo key to preserving innovation of Cuban biotechnology industry Indeed, the development of the … product (see below Closed Cycle). | 1/12/14 |
CIR DA BinghamTournament: Bingham | Round: 3 | Opponent: Rowland Hall LN | Judge: Christian Luciani Even before the government shutdown … students eligible for financial aid. The plan derails the agenda Ending the economic embargo against … of the issue," says Sweig. Dear Member of Congress: The … and legal farm labor force. Food insecurity sparks World War 3 The population-crash scenario is … warming from the North Atlantic. | 2/1/14 |
CIR Politics ASU round 5Tournament: ASU | Round: 5 | Opponent: Loyola AC | Judge: Lizzy Canarie Even before the government shutdown … that commitments can be kept." The Second Obama Administration Where… forces policymakers to take action. The assessment is positive. This … more prosperous and more stable. Less intuitive is how periods … debate and deserves more attention. | 1/11/14 |
CIR Politics Alta Round 1Tournament: Alta | Round: 1 | Opponent: Hillcrest High HO | Judge: David Gardner With hopes of immigration reform…in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood. The plan derails the agenda Ending the economic embargo against … of the issue," says Sweig. Immigration reform is key to generate jobs and attract high skilled workers that solves for competitiveness and the econ The assessment is positive. This … more prosperous and more stable. | 12/7/13 |
CIR Politics Alta Round 6Tournament: Alta | Round: 6 | Opponent: Meadows CN | Judge: Alex Velto Given the train-wreck roll-… want it. Republicans need it."¶ The Second Obama Administration Where … forces policymakers to take action. Obama’s political capital key to passage of immigration reform Still, pro-immigration advocates are … House and signed into law.” mmigration reform is key to generate jobs and attract high skilled workers that solves for competitiveness and the econ The assessment is positive. This … more prosperous and more stable. Economic decline causes protectionism and war – their defense doesn’t assume accompanying shifts in global power. Less intuitive is how periods … debate and deserves more attention. | 12/7/13 |
CIR Politics BerkeleyTournament: Berkeley | Round: 3 | Opponent: Leucadia Independent GY | Judge: Scott Phillips President Obama told House Democrats… your eye on the ball.” PC Key Obama cast House Republicans as … are in the similar situations.” Changing Cuba policy requires a huge investment of capital As former U.S. Ambassador to … is worth the political investment. Immigration reform key to increase high skilled workers: Faced with a growing need … in the Senate immigration bill. The scarcity of skilled technicians … attention to these important topics. But Cipro and other antibiotics … profitable pharmaceutical and biotechnology industry. Although human pathogens are often … not necessarily its outer limit. | 2/17/14 |
CIR Politics DA UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: 2 | Opponent: Harker DS | Judge: Flynn Makuch Three words sum up the … to pass commonsense immigration reform. Plan is unpopular – Congress opposes regulations that occur, hate information sharing Bank deposit interest paid to NRAs,… Reform and Consumer Protection Act. Solves US-India relations "Comprehensive immigration reform will see … plus than not," he said. Washington's increased interest in India … relations with the United States. | 2/4/14 |
CIR politics ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 2 | Opponent: Peak to Peak HJ | Judge: Pierce Young Even before the government shutdown … students eligible for financial aid. The DOD is still tied to Obama- Hegel The reason for the insignificance … do over "purely executive" establishments. Immigration reform key to increase high skilled workers: Faced with a growing need … in the Senate immigration bill. Skilled worker access will determine the future of the biotech industry The scarcity of skilled technicians …attention to these important topics. Solves bioterror But Cipro and other antibiotics … profitable pharmaceutical and biotechnology industry. Although human pathogens are often … not necessarily its outer limit. | 1/10/14 |
Cap Bad DA ASUTournament: ASU | Round: Octas | Opponent: Polytechnic HM | Judge: Max Bugrov, Jack McGougon, Tim Lewis Let me be blunt: The .. both hidden and immensely powerful. ID politics fails at universalizing struggle – It accepts the tenants of capitalism and the neoliberal order which will replicate displaced populations In the paragraphs on civil … framework of our social life. We understand that there are multiple causes we must fight for – but only a mediating struggle can prevent cooption – class is that struggle An additional problem with the … problems of the system itself. The determinism of capital is responsible for the instrumentalization of all life—it is this logic that mobilizes and allows for the 1AC’s scenario in the first place For capitalism, the use of … backfired is all too obvious. | 1/12/14 |
Cap Good Turns Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: Octas | Opponent: Rowland Hall KG | Judge: Misty Tippets, Chris Crowe, Kendra Doty Environmentalists and globalization foes are … goods breed stagnation or regression. No transition away from growth A) Economic weakness consolidates elite power and doesn’t change mindsets But, in many other countries where … the list of financial crises. B) Too late to quit—transition causes extinction and environmental collapse Finally, the radical green movement … in an already industrialized society. C) Collapse causes global transition wars-~--turns all their impacts Continuing calls for curbs on … of a new world war. One important aspect of this … , its constants and its variables’. | 1/21/14 |
Cap Good UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: 5 | Opponent: St Vincent de Paul MY | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin Naturally, racial stereotypes, invidious discrimination… through politics or social activism. Capitalism is essential to solve environmental problems – tech and wealth But Heilbroner did not make … able to continue doing that. Evaluate impacts within the framework of neoliberal knowledge production – market relations are stable social constructions that people assume to be true – only using them as a starting point is politically productive The third strand in our … (see for example Swedberg, 2000). In 1997, a major financial … the verge of total collapse. Environmentalists and globalization foes are … goods breed stagnation or regression. Globalization leads to growth and solves poverty – turns the aff The effects of globalization have…levels, particularly for the poorest. n52 | 2/4/14 |
Civilization K UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: Quarters | Opponent: Harker KM | Judge: Aaron Kall, Stephen Weil, Kade Cottrell The notions of equality and … , and the culture of Civilisation.¶ Kotke 2008 (WM.H, Published Author, “Final Empire” http://www.rainbowbody.net/Finalempire/FEchap2.htm Cites MIT Study) The standard extrapolation of the … to live through the transition Our alternative: vote negative. Skunk 05 (Felonius, Green Anerchy #19) Along with the promising contagious … lives we create for ourselves. | 2/4/14 |
Competitiveness Adv CP Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 4 | Opponent: Rowland Hall RW | Judge: Ideen Saiedian The counterplan solves competitiveness best. Recommendations for Policy- and Decisionmakers … data from naturally occurring treatments. | 12/5/13 |
Comprehensive Immigration Reform Politics DA Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 6 | Opponent: Damien LL | Judge: Scott Phillips Immigration is top of docket and will pass now – political momentum WASHINGTON — As the fiscal fight .. of the House of Representatives.” The assessment is positive. This … more prosperous and more stable. Of course, the report encompasses … more dog-eat-dog world. | 12/5/13 |
Consult Brazil CP USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 7 | Opponent: Carrollton GR | Judge: Clara Purk and Jon Williamson And the big excuse for, … collected by Petrobras in Brazil. Whether Brazil’s future policies will, … reveals the complexity of the task. U.S. – Brazil relations are high but consultation is necessary to maintain them – solves a laundry list of impacts Relations with the United States … directed to activities in Brazil. The array of plants and … Americans would feel the consequences. Bullets and bombs may be … capability to engage in biological warfare. | 12/5/13 |
Consult Mexico CP USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harker KM | Judge: Andres Gannon and Tom Woodhead Using the IPG for genuine consultation is unprecedented and would boost the IPG’s effectiveness The U.S-Mexico Inter-Parliamentary .. on a year-round basis. Mexico will say yes – economic benefits The foremost challenge in Mexico .. will push more Mexicans into poverty. Prior consultation solves the case and is critical to economic stability Crises offer challenges and opportunities .. challenges that economic integration produces. Genuine consultation is key to strengthening the U.S.-Mexico strategic relationship This report is based on .. natural resources at the border. That’s key to Central American instability, turns the aff As Mexico’s security crisis begins .. region’s political and social landscape. | 12/5/13 |
Credibility Adv CP AltaTournament: Alta | Round: 6 | Opponent: Meadows CN | Judge: Alex Velto The United States and the… terrorism and other important issues. | 12/7/13 |
Crist Turn ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 2 | Opponent: Peak to Peak HJ | Judge: Pierce Young Rather than focusing on global … consequences of accumulating greenhouse gases. | 1/10/14 |
Cuba Dialogue CP MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 2 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep RM | Judge: Kendra Doty Solves the case and avoids politics Unlike the policy implications above …. anti-American influences (e.g. Chávez).100 | 10/28/13 |
Cuban Agriculture DA MeadowsTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 2 | Opponent: Palos Verde Peninsula SW | Judge: Kendra Doty Notwithstanding these problems, the greatest … borne of crisis and isolation. Urban agriculture is key to Cuban quality of life and is modeled internationally While urban agriculture was a .. affect Cuba’s food distribution system. | 12/5/13 |
Cuban Economy Advantage CP ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 5 | Opponent: Loyola AC | Judge: Lizzy Canarie US support for Cuban Reforms and loosening travel restrictions solve Cuban economy, but keeps the embargo in place We have a new opportunity… and jobs for small businesses. | 1/11/14 |
Dedev UNLV OctasTournament: UNLV | Round: Octas | Opponent: Wayzata NG | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin, Ross Garrett, Christian Bato How might the human race … extinction of the human species? Tech fixes without decreasing consumption risk extinction – don’t address the root cause of climate change Technology is part of the … as more important than survival. | 2/4/14 |
Dedev UNLV QuartersTournament: UNLV | Round: Quarters | Opponent: Harker KM | Judge: Aaron Kall, Stephen Weil, Kade Cottrell Concerns about the global economy … Turkey, South Africa and Argentina. Growth unsustainable because resource depletion from water to minerals to oil – tech can’t solve Before offering support for these .. reductions that must be made. | 2/4/14 |
Drug War Turn UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: 2 | Opponent: Harker DS | Judge: Flynn Makuch However, shortly after the United … will be no more violence. | 2/4/14 |
EmailsTournament: Email | Round: 1 | Opponent: Email | Judge: Email dylantheconqueror02@gmail.com | 10/28/13 |
Gradualism MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 2 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep RM | Judge: Kendra Doty In the last five years, … leaders in an orderly fashion. Still, in a country where … of work to be done.” Gradualism: Gradualism in economic reform…. maintenance of the status quo. Some in the United States …. a mass exodus of refugees. Some countries can drive other … to the lessons of experience. | 10/28/13 |
Health Care Turn USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 2 | Opponent: South East PR | Judge: Chris Crowe and Scott Phillips Cuba's economic situation has been … as basic children's health care. | 12/5/13 |
Heg Bad ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 2 | Opponent: Peak to Peak HJ | Judge: Pierce Young Since the end of the … policy that reflect that reality. | 1/10/14 |
Heg Bad Alta Round 6Tournament: Alta | Round: 6 | Opponent: Meadows CN | Judge: Alex Velto Accepting decline is key – hegemony ensures conflicts that will inevitably cause America’s own demise – a transition to multipolarity is key At bottom, multilateral offshore balancing …. America's next grand strategy. | 12/7/13 |
Heg Bad BerkeleyTournament: Berkeley | Round: 6 | Opponent: Desert Vista LT | Judge: Collin Roark Since the end of the … policy that reflect that reality. A smooth transition to multipolarity is underway now – economic decline, military overstretch, China’s rise, and shifting alliances mean the US has already lost its monopoly on global power It's even more challenging for … had done in the past. Heg causes military entanglements, increases instability, risks conflict with China, and kills US-Arab relations FRIENDS WITHOUT BENEFITS Another problematic … relations with the Arab world. Hegemony is the biggest internal link into economic decline- the US can no longer afford to be an empire The United States government is … with a normal foreign policy. | 2/17/14 |
Heg Bad Turns Notre Dame Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 6 | Opponent: Damien LL | Judge: Scott Phillips Hard power undermines US diplomatic efforts which are key to solve warming, economic growth and disease – shrinking the military causes a mindset shift- | 12/5/13 |
Hillman Butler Turn Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: Octas | Opponent: Rowland Hall KG | Judge: Misty Tippets, Chris Crowe, Kendra Doty Whereas I accept the psychoanalytic … does not imply its autonomy. | 1/21/14 |
Hillman Science Turn Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: Octas | Opponent: Rowland Hall KG | Judge: Misty Tippets, Chris Crowe, Kendra Doty Hillman's notion of a world-… an exaltation of the psyche. Extinction Finally, postmodern science provides a .. a reenactment of state socialism.91 | 1/21/14 |
Imperialistic White Supremacy Patriarchal Cap K BerkeleyTournament: Berkeley | Round: Triples | Opponent: University Prep DK | Judge: Mike Baxter-Kauf, Roger Copenhaver, Steven Sander Clearly the future of diversity … resist seeing the larger picture. As long as this nation … a focus on self-determination. Orienting resistance against imperialist white supremacist capitalist patriarchy is a critical means of naming interlocking systems of oppression in which we are both victim and victimizer. This is critical to the creation of agency and the resistance of dominator thinking When I first began to … is the place of hope. | 2/17/14 |
Imperialistic White Supremacy Patriarchal Capitalism DA UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: 5 | Opponent: St Vincent de Paul MY | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin This ensures the failure of resistance and develops a culture of victimization that recreates imperialist white supremacist capitalist patriarchy which is the foundation of all oppression Clearly the future of diversity… resist seeing the larger picture. Placing resistance before rethinking ensures a counterproductive struggle that appears to alleviate oppression but greatly reproduces it elsewhere Even though origin stories which… capitalist or anti-sexist voices. | 2/4/14 |
Iran Negotiation Politics MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 2 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep RM | Judge: Kendra Doty Changing Cuba policy requires a huge investment of capital As former U.S. Ambassador to ….. is worth the political investment. Agreement on Iranian proliferation solves regional tension, Iranian prolif, and war now – new congressional sanctions crush the fragile momentum Washington, DC - The National Iranian ….. U.S. into a military confrontation. Deal prevents global nuclear war The reports of the Congressional Commission….. triggering a regional nuclear war. | 10/28/13 |
Iran Sanctions Politics DA NDCA Round 5Tournament: NDCA | Round: 5 | Opponent: CPS HJ | Judge: Andrew Arsht Plan is unpopular – costs massive PC As 2013 draws to close, the negotiations over the Iranian nuclear program have entered a delicate stage. But in 2014, the tensions will escalate dramatically as a bipartisan group of Senators brings a new Iran sanctions bill to the floor for a vote. As many others have warned, that promise of new measures against Tehran will almost certainly blow up the interim deal reached by the Obama administration and its UN/EU partners in Geneva. But Congress' highly unusual intervention into the President's domain of foreign policy doesn't just make the prospect of an American conflict with Iran more likely. As it turns out, the Nuclear Weapon Free Iran Act essentially empowers Israel to decide whether the United States will go to war against Tehran.¶ On their own, the tough new sanctions imposed automatically if a final deal isn't completed in six months pose a daunting enough challenge for President Obama and Secretary of State Kerry. But it is the legislation's commitment to support an Israeli preventive strike against Iranian nuclear facilities that almost ensures the U.S. and Iran will come to blows. As Section 2b, part 5 of the draft mandates:¶ If the Government of Israel is compelled to take military action in legitimate self-defense against Iran's nuclear weapon program, the United States Government should stand with Israel and provide, in accordance with the law of the United States and the constitutional responsibility of Congress to authorize the use of military force, diplomatic, military, and economic support to the Government of Israel in its defense of its territory, people, and existence.¶ Now, the legislation being pushed by Senators Mark Kirk (R-IL), Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Robert Menendez (D-NJ) does not automatically give the President an authorization to use force should Israel attack the Iranians. (The draft language above explicitly states that the U.S. government must act "in accordance with the law of the United States and the constitutional responsibility of Congress to authorize the use of military force.") But there should be little doubt that an AUMF would be forthcoming from Congressmen on both sides of the aisle. As Lindsey Graham, who with Menendez co-sponsored a similar, non-binding "stand with Israel" resolution in March told a Christians United for Israel (CUFI) conference in July:¶ "If nothing changes in Iran, come September, October, I will present a resolution that will authorize the use of military force to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear bomb."¶ Graham would have plenty of company from the hardest of hard liners in his party. In August 2012, Romney national security adviser and pardoned Iran-Contra architect Elliott Abrams called for a war authorization in the pages of the Weekly Standard. And just two weeks ago, Norman Podhoretz used his Wall Street Journal op-ed to urge the Obama administration to "strike Iran now" to avoid "the nuclear war sure to come."¶ But at the end of the day, the lack of an explicit AUMF in the Nuclear Weapon Free Iran Act doesn't mean its supporters aren't giving Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu de facto carte blanche to hit Iranian nuclear facilities. The ensuing Iranian retaliation against to Israeli and American interests would almost certainly trigger the commitment of U.S. forces anyway.¶ Even if the Israelis alone launched a strike against Iran's atomic sites, Tehran will almost certainly hit back against U.S. targets in the Straits of Hormuz, in the region, possibly in Europe and even potentially in the American homeland. Israel would face certain retaliation from Hezbollah rockets launched from Lebanon and Hamas missiles raining down from Gaza.¶ That's why former Bush Defense Secretary Bob Gates and CIA head Michael Hayden raising the alarms about the "disastrous" impact of the supposedly surgical strikes against the Ayatollah's nuclear infrastructure. As the New York Times reported in March 2012, "A classified war simulation held this month to assess the repercussions of an Israeli attack on Iran forecasts that the strike would lead to a wider regional war, which could draw in the United States and leave hundreds of Americans dead, according to American officials." And that September, a bipartisan group of U.S. foreign policy leaders including Brent Scowcroft, retired Admiral William Fallon, former Republican Senator (now Obama Pentagon chief) Chuck Hagel, retired General Anthony Zinni and former Ambassador Thomas Pickering concluded that American attacks with the objective of "ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear bomb" would "need to conduct a significantly expanded air and sea war over a prolonged period of time, likely several years." (Accomplishing regime change, the authors noted, would mean an occupation of Iran requiring a "commitment of resources and personnel greater than what the U.S. has expended over the past 10 years in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars combined.") The anticipated blowback?¶ Serious costs to U.S. interests would also be felt over the longer term, we believe, with problematic consequences for global and regional stability, including economic stability. A dynamic of escalation, action, and counteraction could produce serious unintended consequences that would significantly increase all of these costs and lead, potentially, to all-out regional war. War with Iran escalates and draws in all major powers | 4/25/14 |
Latin America PIC BerkeleyTournament: Berkeley | Round: Triples | Opponent: University Prep DK | Judge: Mike Baxter-Kauf, Roger Copenhaver, Steven Sander You may be wondering at … are identified) as “Latin Americans” The counterplan solves their method–deconstructing normative understandings of “Latin America” is key to unravel the geopolitics of knowledge from the perspective of coloniality – key to adopt a historical and ethical criticism of slave-labor. Preface The narrative and argument … and educated in South America. | 2/17/14 |
Mann DA GonzagaTournament: Gonzaga | Round: 5 | Opponent: Puget SoundInterlake LM | Judge: Taylor Coles Frank, 1997 – prof of American History at Univ of Chicago Thomas The Business of Culture in the new Gilded Age Commodify Your Dissent: Salvos from The Baffler ed. By Frank and Weiland; “Why Johnny Can’t Dissent”; Pages 31-32) CAPITALISM IS CHANGING, obviously and … soda pop or automobile manufacturer. The avant-garde is the sacrifice Capitalism makes against itself to keep the system vital and growing – Affirmative “revolutionary” acts are always already part of system that they rebel against. Mann 91 Paul, Philosopher, “The Theory-Death of the Avant-Garde,” Book, 1991, page 45-46, 7/20/12 The very term "avant-garde" …way its history is told. | 1/4/14 |
Mann K GonzagaTournament: Gonzaga | Round: Quarters | Opponent: St Vincent de Paul MY | Judge: Bill Smelko, Mark Weinhardt, Joe Skoog The impact is militarism—policy makers are using peripheral instantiations of anti-militaristic strategies to insulate themselves and develop smarter technology and more dangerous weapons, turns the case. It would be a mistake … video games and smart bombs. The alt is to reject the aff and do nothing. Passivity is a form of resistance that prevents us from becoming tools of power. | 1/5/14 |
Marxism K ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 2 | Opponent: Peak to Peak HJ | Judge: Pierce Young MESZAROS (Prof. Emeritus @ Univ. Sussex) 1995 p. 438-9 THIRD, WE SHOULD PRAY THE TRANSITION DOES COME—CURRENT GROWTH IS ENVIRONMENTALLY UNSUSTAINABLE: WARMING, ENERGY, WATER, FISH, BIODIVERSITY LOSS, GENERAL OVERSHOOT John Bellamy Foster, University of Oregon, “Organizing the Ecological Revolution,” THE MONTHLY REVIEW v. 57 n. 5, October 2005. Available from the World Wide Web at: www.monthlyreview.org/1005jbf.htm, accessed 4/12/06. The more we learn about … present represents a dead end. Joel Kovel, Alger Hiss Professor, Social Studies, Bard College, THE ENEMY OF NATURE: THE END OF CAPITALISM OR THE END OF THE WORLD, 2002, p. 5. As the world, or to …if we are to survive. The alternative is to refuse action in the face of the crisis presented by the affirmative and do nothing THAT WAS THE TEXT. NOW, SO THERE’S NO CONFUSION, HERE’S THE EVIDENCE THAT SAYS THAT SOLVES: ZIZEK 2004 Indeed, since the “normal” functioning … space and state apparatuses work. | 1/10/14 |
Marxism K BinghamTournament: Bingham | Round: 2 | Opponent: Highland BG | Judge: Scott Odekirk MESZAROS (Prof. Emeritus @ Univ. Sussex) 1995 NEVERTHELESS, we may speak of … but inescapable process of transition. THIRD,—CURRENT GROWTH IS ENVIRONMENTALLY UNSUSTAINABLE: WARMING, ENERGY, WATER, FISH, BIODIVERSITY LOSS, GENERAL OVERSHOOT John Bellamy Foster, University of Oregon, “Organizing the Ecological Revolution,” THE MONTHLY REVIEW v. 57 n. 5, October 2005. Available from the World Wide Web at: www.monthlyreview.org/1005jbf.htm, accessed 4/12/06. The more we learn about … present represents a dead end. The aff fails to answer the right question – poverty can only be fixed after reducing the inequalities stemming from capitalism – this holds true in every society This enormously important scientific finding… second is above the median. CAPITALISM causes ecological destruction and extinction Joel Kovel, Alger Hiss Professor, Social Studies, Bard College, THE ENEMY OF NATURE: THE END OF CAPITALISM OR THE END OF THE WORLD, 2002, p. 5. As the world, or to … if we are to survive. LEWIS (Instructor, Sewall Academic Program @ CU Boulder) 2002 In conclusion, the only solution … web of life on Earth. The alternative is to refuse action in the face of the crisis presented by the affirmative and do nothing THAT WAS THE TEXT. HERE’S THE EVIDENCE THAT SAYS THAT SOLVES: ZIZEK 2004 Indeed, since the “normal” functioning .. space and state apparatuses work. | 2/1/14 |
Methodology K MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 2 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep RM | Judge: Kendra Doty Kirsch, 1997 ( Gesa, Prof. of , “Multi-vocal Texts and Interpretive Responsibility”, College English, Vol. 59, No. 2 (Feb., 1997), pp. 191-202, jstor.org) At the same time, however, …..with our new interpretive responsibilities. Epistemological considerations precede politics—it is the most authentic way to understand oppression to create effective responses to exploitation. Rejecting epistemology results in macro-socioengineering, which makes all impacts inevitable. Our alternative of learning through first hand, corporeal experiential suffering solves the methodological problems that the 1ac presents RAJAN ‘92 (Roby, The Discourse of Exploitation and the Exploitation of Discourse.) How then are human beings …. change in the larger society. And our Alternative is the rejection of the exclusive use of the laboratory type research that the 1ac has engaged in- This promotes research that would actually include excluded voices on the peripher of US military presence in the context of debate- This is not a link of omission because you chose second hand research, which we criticize MITCHELL 1998 Gordon R. Mitchell, Associate Professor, University of Pittsburgh, “PEDAGOGICAL POSSIBILITIES FOR ARGUMENTATIVE AGENCY IN ACADEMIC DEBATE”, Argumentation and Advocacy, 1998, Vol. 35 Issue 2, p41-60 Possibilities for argumentative agency are … a tool of debate preparation. | 10/28/13 |
Modernity Case TurnTournament: Berkeley | Round: 1 | Opponent: Coppell PS | Judge: Max Bugrov It is not possible to …. logic of lordship and bondage. | 2/17/14 |
Narratives Turn ASUTournament: ASU | Round: Octas | Opponent: Polytechnic HM | Judge: Max Bugrov, Jack McGougon, Tim Lewis In the previous section, we … narrative of right and liability. | 1/12/14 |
Neolib K USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 2 | Opponent: South East PR | Judge: Chris Crowe and Scott Phillips They all pretend to be democrats .. state power at the top. Neoliberalism causes poverty, social exclusion, societal disintegration, violence and environmental destruction—threatens humanity The currently prevailing neoliberal development … remained mostly excluded (UNICEF 2001). ALT: We need to take back politics – systems of politics are sustained only by our engagement with them – working w/in doesn’t solve The unreality of postulation the… as an ongoing historical enterprise. | 12/5/13 |
Neolib K vs Trafficking USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 1 | Opponent: Notre Dame LP | Judge: Mike Shackleford and Bill Smelko While an anti-immigration position ….. to the countries of origin. Neolibralism causes extinction through environmental destruction, space weaponization and nuclearwar – focus on short-term wealth and attempts to maintain superiority Bertrand Russell throughout his long … occupy more of its time. ALT: Reject the aff’s method of solving for trafficking in favor of a structural criticism of neoliberal globalization—their authors concede that the focus ought to be how global flows of capital cause trafficking in the first place While the `trafficking in persons' … called a crisis over boundaries. | 11/3/13 |
Non Violent Counter Advocacy UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: 5 | Opponent: St Vincent de Paul MY | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin Despite the effectiveness of strategic nonviolence,… to 80 percent by 1980. Changing entrenched views about the … against other kinds of oppression. Most people look to historical … and contribution of civil resistance. The newly independent state of … this process of nation building. French colonization in Algeria was … failed to erase them entirely. Poland – Nonviolent resistance was the key to throw off occupation but official histories have covered these success stories up in favor of glorified violent struggle A critical attitude toward organic … essentially reimagining, the Polish nation. | 2/4/14 |
Pan K UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: Octas | Opponent: Wayzata NG | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin, Ross Garrett, Christian Bato By now, it seems clear … and 'they' become 'they' accordingly. "64 | 2/4/14 |
Personal Narratives Bad BerkeleyTournament: Berkeley | Round: Triples | Opponent: University Prep DK | Judge: Mike Baxter-Kauf, Roger Copenhaver, Steven Sander Feminist discourse is not the … of those oppressed groups themselves.6 The aff’s use of personal narratives doesn’t allow us to acknowledge the choices we are making which means we can never actually address the problems we are trying to solve In the examples used above, … the articulation of the problem. The aff’use of personal narratives in a debate space doesn’t allow actual mindset change to happen- it must happen in a space where all listeners can take the statement as an absolute truth absent the human interpretations that are made in the debate space A plethora of sources have … is, free of human interpretation. The struggle that the aff presents must be in a political realm- this undermines any absolute “truth” claim they attempt to make and puts it in the court of the listeners On a coherentist account of … attempts to avoid such invocations. This loss of control however does not sever them from their bad representations- in fact it binds them to it- this is the only way they can change and learn how to speak to different listeners The conjunction of Premises (1) and … accountability or complete causal power. Historical narratives are subversion tactics by dominant hegemonic structure – they are attempts to rewrite history to make whiteness benevolent – turns case how narratives, like the lives … narrative of right and liability. | 2/17/14 |
Pharma Bad Turn Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 6 | Opponent: Damien LL | Judge: Scott Phillips “For decades, the Pharma-Cartel … with weapons of mass destruction.” MAINTANENCE OF THE PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY KILLS MORE THAN ALL HISTORY’S WAR’S COMBINED – SUPPRESSION OF DISEASE CURE’S KILLS MILLIONS YEARLY There is an entire industry … the answer to human diseases. | 12/5/13 |
Pity Turn USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 1 | Opponent: Notre Dame LP | Judge: Mike Shackleford and Bill Smelko Doezema 2001 (Jo, PhD candidate at the Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex. Ouch! Western Feminists’ ‘Wounded Attachment’ to the ‘Third World Prostitute’ - FEMINIST REVIEW NO 67, SPRING 2001, PP. 16–38) ¶ Abstract¶ ¶ ‘Trafficking in women’ has, …. what does politicized identity want?’ (1995: 62). Politicizing identity is a reactionary act that arises out of the existing dominant structures and fails to shore up the very means of domination taken opposition to. Invested in a history of pain and a politics of pity there is a focus on suffering breeding ressentiment. Their call to the state to “pity” victims of trafficking only reinforces their domination It is Brown’s contention that … in women’ through ‘protective’ legislation. | 11/3/13 |
Plan Only FW MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 6 | Opponent: St Vincent De Paul MY | Judge: Christian Rodriguez The Proposition of Policy: Urging …. future action that you propose. | 10/30/13 |
Play FW GonzagaTournament: Gonzaga | Round: 1 | Opponent: Heritage Hall CN | Judge: James Elias B. Reasons to Prefer: We will argue that debate is a Game and that Rules are pedagogically valuable. This does not mean that our game is not political, only that the win/loss instrumental format of debate INCREASES inclusion and ENHANCES political radicalism. C. Rules are NOT GENOCIDE: Play is Important- Rule-Breaking damages Play:
Armstrong 2K Under Erasure What happened in this particular … each of those key features. Both of these are key to innovation and education in Games… violating them denies the value of the Game. Sarratore 99 The development and implementation of … pieces outside of the rules.
Armstrong 2K The contradic- tory combination of restriction … the limits shaping their interactions. 3. Play Short-Circuits their Offense: Topicality is NOT violent. NONE OF THEIR EVIDENCE assumes a Game situation mediating social Play. Rules within games need to be viewed in their Particularity… NOT by their epistemology or ontology. Armstrong 2K From the early days of reader-… any of the shapes obtained” (FI xi). ? E. The alternative: Allow pre-formed rules to establish limits, but offer radical originality within, between, and upon those rules. That solves – 2. The alternative is an ethical ideal for social power… preserving both the rules for instrumental play and the liberation of free-play. Armstrong 2K On the other hand, in … the ethical use of power. | 1/4/14 |
Play FW UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: 5 | Opponent: St Vincent de Paul MY | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin It Violates Non-Consensual Reciprocity: Their appeal to the sublime power of rule breaking is naïve, self-destructive, and violates the basic premise of Fair Play… which is that we submit ourselves to ground rules even if we don’t like them. Armstrong 2K The ideal polis of play … unequivocally coercive and determining.
Armstrong 2K The contradic- tory combination of restriction … the limits shaping their interactions. 3. Play Short-Circuits their Offense: Topicality is NOT violent. NONE OF THEIR EVIDENCE assumes a Game situation mediating social Play. Rules within games need to be viewed in their Particularity… NOT by their epistemology or ontology. Armstrong 2K From the early days of … any of the shapes obtained” (FI xi). | 2/4/14 |
Play Framework BinghamTournament: Bingham | Round: 6 | Opponent: Rowland Hall GK | Judge: Jamie Cheek
Armstrong 2K Edited for discriminatory language The ideal polis of play … as unequivocally coercive and determining. 2. Is predictable research and parameters What happened in this particular… each of those key features. Both of these are key to innovation and education in Games… violating them denies the value of the Game. Sarratore 99 The development and implementation of … pieces outside of the rules.
Armstrong 2K The contradic- tory combination of restriction … the limits shaping their interactions. 2. Predictable Research Outweighs their Turns: Failure to establish research parameters leads to the Failure of Design Games… and a Collapse of Play. Sarratore 99 The design games offered below… gamemaster ultimately controls the project. ? 3. Play Short-Circuits their Offense: Topicality is NOT violent. NONE OF THEIR EVIDENCE assumes a Game situation mediating social Play. Rules within games need to be viewed in their Particularity… NOT by their epistemology or ontology. Armstrong 2K From the early days of … any of the shapes obtained” (FI xi). E. The alternative: Allow pre-formed rules to establish limits, but offer radical originality within, between, and upon those rules. That solves –
Armstrong 2K Guided by such an ethics … allow meaningful exchanges to occur. ? 2. The alternative is an ethical ideal for social power… preserving both the rules for instrumental play and the liberation of free-play. Armstrong 2K On the other hand, in … the ethical use of power. | 2/1/14 |
Post-Colonial Feminism K USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harker KM | Judge: Andres Gannon and Tom Woodhead Michael Kimmel (2002) points out ….. the process of social change Increased globalization between the US and Latin America produces poverty, sex trafficking, economic marginalization and labor exploitation based on gender oppression. Women's oppression is what subsidizes and makes economic liberalization possible. The unequal payoffs and costs …… household labor in the home. Sovereignty genders our political identities, defining it along lines of the "public" sphere of deliberation, state politics, while relegating the "private" the home to pure domesticity. This has historically marginalized femininity in 2 ways: first by effeminizing alternative embodiments, expressions or values and second by materially excluding women from the public sphere. Sovereignty is a core concept ….. contribute to insecurity, broadly defined.27 Silence about the gendered dimension of economic engagement is an intended tactic and cloaking device that serves to conceal the work of masculine violence. Why is globalization as a ….. experiences of women and men. Framing the world through gendered dualisms orients all policies towards economic growth, effeminizing all alternative discourses as irrational or impossible. This precipitates war, poverty, oppression, and environmental degradation-- making extinction inevitable. Generation of wealth was an …. will eventually destroy the world. Beginning from the subject location of marginalized bodies is the only way to make gendered colonial violence visible. This epistemological privilege doesn't stem from a claim about identity, but rather the position of being most impacted by these policies. Only by centralizing these experiences can we find a roadmap for global restructuring. This is the very opposite …. theorizing and enacting anticapitalist resistance. | 12/5/13 |
Postcolonial Fem DATournament: UNLV | Round: 5 | Opponent: St Vincent de Paul MY | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin The unequal payoffs and costs … household labor in the home. Silence about the gendered dimension of economic engagement is an intended tactic and cloaking device that serves to conceal the work of masculine violence. Why is globalization as a … experiences of women and men. *ABLEISM MODIFIED Framing the world through gendered dualisms orients all policies towards economic growth, effeminizing all alternative discourses as irrational or impossible. This precipitates war, poverty, oppression, and environmental degradation-- making extinction inevitable. Generation of wealth was an … will eventually destroy the world. | 2/4/14 |
Postcolonial Fem K Berkeley Round 7Tournament: Berkeley | Round: 7 | Opponent: Niles West AB | Judge: Jordon Newton Michael Kimmel (2002) points out … the process of social change Increased globalization between the US and Latin America produces poverty, sex trafficking, economic marginalization and labor exploitation based on gender oppression. Women's oppression is what subsidizes and makes economic liberalization possible. The unequal payoffs and costs … household labor in the home. Epistemological considerations precede politics—it is the most authentic way to understand oppression to create effective responses to exploitation. Rejecting epistemology results in macro-socioengineering, which makes all impacts inevitable. How then are human beings … change in the larger society. This has the external impact of destroying agency by preventing active engagement in knowledge production Possibilities for argumentative agency are … a tool of debate preparation. Silence about the gendered dimension of economic engagement is an intended tactic and cloaking device that serves to conceal the work of masculine violence. Why is globalization as a … experiences of women and men. *ABLEISM MODIFIED Framing the world through gendered dualisms orients all policies towards economic growth, effeminizing all alternative discourses as irrational or impossible. This precipitates war, poverty, oppression, and environmental degradation-- making extinction inevitable. Generation of wealth was an … will eventually destroy the world. Beginning from the subject location of marginalized bodies is the only way to make gendered colonial violence visible. This epistemological privilege doesn't stem from a claim about identity, but rather the position of being most impacted by these policies. Only by centralizing these experiences can we find a roadmap for global restructuring. This is the very opposite … theorizing and enacting anticapitalist resistance. | 2/17/14 |
Postcolonial Feminism Rajan K NDCA Round 1Tournament: NDCA | Round: 1 | Opponent: Blake SW | Judge: Kirk Evans Michael Kimmel (2002) points out that the underlying logics of globalization in capitalist production, market rationality, trade liberalization, privatization, transnational corporations (TNCs) and modernity are themselves gendered, organized discourses, processes and institutional arrangements that create and perpetuate power relationships between men and women in society. In fact, Connell (2001) argues that globalization is the manifestation of globalizing masculinities historically in terms of conquests, settlements, imperial empires and postcolonialization. Recent US war involvement with Iraq offers a contemporary example to examine how global and local masculinities, politics, economic interests and military might play out and erupt into armed conflicts. Gender is thus a critical dimension that must be factored into discussion of globalization and examined for how it creates differential opportunities, challenges, risks and dilemmas for women and men and how, in turn, it modifies the process of social change Increased globalization between the US and Latin America produces poverty, sex trafficking, economic marginalization and labor exploitation based on gender oppression. Women's oppression is what subsidizes and makes economic liberalization possible. The unequal payoffs and costs of globalization are caused by its inherent contradictions that create dilemmas, risks and rights violations, breeding inequality, poverty and discontent, especially in the developing world. Whether measured in purely monetary terms or social ones, globalization is not a zero-sum game, for it brings mixed blessings and unequal outcomes within and between nations and their citizens. At the macro level, globalization fosters technological advancement, convenience of communication and transportation, and economic development that reduces costs, encourages trade expansion, promotes global production and increases the wealth of nations, though for some more than for others (Stiglitz, 2002; UNDP, 1999, 2002). However, these same factors have also facilitated the threat of capital relocation, unequal partnerships in trade and finance, fragmentations in labor production, economic marginalization, relentless cost-cutting by the TNCs, downsizing of governments, curtailment of social and legal entitlements, retrenchment of social service programs, suppression of organized labor, diminished national autonomy, reinforcement of inequality between countries, and promotion of dependency of the South on the North. At the micro level, globalization creates employment opportunities and increases female labor force participation, wage benefits, economic independence, selfworth and more life options, although these advantages are still limited and unequal. Yet, even these same benefits are besieged with contradictions, globalization also produces adverse effects particularly for women – feminization of labor in segregated and low-paying work, wage dependency, labor exploitation, economic marginalization, poverty, sex tourism, and international human trafficking of women and young girls – further worsening the already low status of women and their life conditions and exacerbating inequalities based on race, gender, class and nationality in the developing world. The alleged payoffs of globalization are, in fact, subsidized by women’s paid labor in the formal sector, their cheap labor and meager income in the informal sector, and unpaid household labor in the home. Epistemological considerations precede politics—it is the most authentic way to understand oppression to create effective responses to exploitation. Rejecting epistemology results in macro-socioengineering, which makes all impacts inevitable. RAJAN ‘92 (Roby, The Discourse of Exploitation and the Exploitation of Discourse.) How then are human beings to be reinstated in the discourse of exploitation as human beings? Fortunately, this is a problem for the discourse specialists, not for human beings. Human beings will not be trimmed down to fit the discourse; the discourse will have to find a way of being true to human beings. In the Gandhian view, the only course open for the expert specializing in articulating theories of exploitation is to join those he has transformed into the objects of his discourse, and to partake of their suffering. To incessantly engage in the production of abstruse "theories of exploitation" or to mouth the tedious rhetoric of history can be attributed either to the self-interest of the theorists themselves or to the pure satisfaction of cogitation, but must not in any case be confused with a "knowledge" of exploitation. It ought to be stressed here that for Gandhi, experiencing is not merely a requisite to developing good theory in the manner of the ethnologist or the Marxian's praxis; nor is it the mystical experiencing of the yogi in oneness with an absolute or infinite. For Gandhi, it is only the body's experiencing as a political act that connects the private and the public. This sets it worlds apart from the depoliticized construction of the body in the late modern West—the body that is content with ingesting natural foods and daily visits to the health-club/yogic therapies. In this latter construction, the body is instrumental to the transformation of the individual to enable him to be at peace with himself and the universe; the dilemmas of modernity can be dealt with expediently by making private choices in the direction of health and harmony. This fully adjusted wholesome individual on the covers of health-food books, for whom a judicious combination of natural foods and exercise has led to complete personal integration, harmony, and freedom from negative feelings, can only mean an easy cohabitation with an exploitative system. For Gandhi, "politics" is emphatically not a matter of formulating tactics and strategies for gaining the power to control and distribute resources, as it is for the Marxist; it is rather the living out of the day-to-day suffering of the exploited other within the embodied self, and of continually applying the experiential lessons of this suffering to the process of ordering our collective lives. The role of the body is crucial here because of the Gandhian conviction that more can arise out of the body than whatever order society programs into it, that there can be a morality that comes from the sensibility of the body rather than from the imperatives of the superego, and that it is by no means inevitable that our perception of social and political reality be channeled exclusively through the socially constituted ego. This runs counter to all the theories since Marx and Freud that have assumed there can be no feedback from the human organism except disorganized and dyspeptic resistance. Such theories can deny the body a critical capacity of its own only by reducing the body's organization to being either biologically preprogrammed or to being completely formed by social domination. By thus denying the body's capacity to contribute to political processes, these; discourses can then justify macro-socioengineering: because change cannot come from individual bodies, it must be im- posed on them—as market, as socialized means of production, or as some combination of the two. Resistance to these socioengineering schemes can hardly come from within the hegemonic subdiscourses that legitimated them in the first place; indeed, authentic resistance becomes impossible within the terms of the epistemology that gave rise to these discourses. Gandhi's central demonstration is that political claims can arise from the body's capacity as the crossroads of power to feel pain, experience suffering, and sense unfulfilled needs. The speech that comes from this suffering motivates a correspondingly critical analysis of culture and a critical social praxis. There is no purely "inner" realm here that is not connected to social, political, economic, and cultural conditions, just as there is no purely "outer" realm that is not connected with bodily experiencing. To effect a fissure between body and mind, between public and private, as the conventional discourses have done, is to betray the body's capacity to engage in political discourse, and to neglect changes in the self that call for and are in turn responsive to change in the larger society. This has the external impact of destroying agency by preventing active engagement in knowledge production MITCHELL 1998 Gordon R. Mitchell, Associate Professor, University of Pittsburgh, “PEDAGOGICAL POSSIBILITIES FOR ARGUMENTATIVE AGENCY IN ACADEMIC DEBATE”, Argumentation and Advocacy, 1998, Vol. 35 Issue 2, p41-60 Possibilities for argumentative agency are obscured when debate scholarship is approached from a purely spectator-oriented perspective, an activity to be conducted on the sidelines of "actual" public policy discussion. Insofar as the act of research is configured as a one-way transaction in which debaters gather and assimilate information passively through impersonal channels, this spectator orientation gains currency and becomes an acquired habit. Within this pedagogical horizon, possible options for action that move beyond traditional library research and contest round advocacy become more difficult to visualize. However, when debaters reconfigure themselves as producers of knowledge, rather than passive consumers of it, it becomes easier to cultivate senses of personal agency. One very basic way that academic debaters can reverse this equation is by turning more to primary research as a tool of debate preparation. Silence about the gendered dimension of economic engagement is an intended tactic and cloaking device that serves to conceal the work of masculine violence. Why is globalization as a gendered phenomenon not well recognized? Among many reasons, several are relevant here. First, mainstream discourse focuses on globalization primarily as encompassing macro and disembodied forces, flows and processes in terms of its economic and societal impact. The concept remains at a general, abstract level that has greater meaning and relevance to academicians, journalists and some activists than to the general public, even though people’s everyday lives are very much affected by global forces and happenings. Much of the theorizing about globalization is either gender-neutral or gender-blind, ignoring how globalization shapes gender relationships and people’s lives materially, politically, socially and culturally at all levels and treating its differential effects on women and men as similar. Gender is basically taken for granted, as if it does not matter. In particular, women’s voices and lives are virtually absent from much theoretical discussion on globalization. When the gender issue is discussed, the focus tends to be on the effects of globalization on women rather than on the effects of gender on globalization. Some of globalization’s gendered effects are invisible, particularly when its victims, such as poor Third World women, are structurally marginalized, rendering these effects less apparent and less directly observable. How the gender dimension shapes the globalization process is ignored as either unimportant or irrelevant. How gender relations are products of various global–local systems of patriarchy and hegemonic masculinities seldom enters critical debate and discussion. The failure to incorporate gender into the study of globalization in meaningful and systematic ways not only produces incomplete views of women’s rights as fundamental human rights and inaccurate understanding of the sources of gender inequality, but also can actually undermine development policy and practice. In other words, the gender dimension is a critically important missing piece in the theorizing of globalization. Therefore, gender matters for understanding what globalization is and how it is influenced by gendered hierarchies and ideologies, which in turn shape gen*dered institutions, relationships, identities and experiences of women and men. *ABLEISM MODIFIED Framing the world through gendered dualisms orients all policies towards economic growth, effeminizing all alternative discourses as irrational or impossible. This precipitates war, poverty, oppression, and environmental degradation-- making extinction inevitable. Generation of wealth was an important part of the Scientific Revolution and its modem society. The scientific discipline of economics therefore became a significant means for wealth creation. However, since it is founded on similar dualised premises as science, also economics became a system of domination and exploitation of women, Others and nature. The following discussion is intended to show that. The way in which economics, with its priority on masculine forces, becomes dominant relates to web-like, inter-connected and complex processes, which are not always clearly perceived. The below discussions try to show how the dualised priority of the individual over society, reason over emotion, self-interest over community-interest, competition over cooperation, and more pairs, generate domination that leads to the four crises of violence and war, poverty, human oppression and environmental degradation. The aim in sum is to show how the current perspective of economics is destroying society (women and Others) and nature. The following discussion is consequently a critique of economics. It is meant to highlight some elements that make economics a dominant ideology, rather than a system of knowledge. It adopts a feministic view and it is therefore seen from the side of women, poor people and nature. The critique is extensive, but not exhaustive. It is extensive because economics is the single most important tool used by mainstream institutions for development in the South. Thus if we want to understand why development does not alleviate poverty, then we first need to comprehend why its main instrument, economics, cannot alleviate poverty. A critical analysis of economics and its influence in development is therefore important as an introduction to next chapter, which discusses ecofeminism and development. However, the critique is not exhaustive because it focuses only on the dualised elements in economics. It is highly likely that there are many more critical issues in economics, which should be analyzed in addition to the below mentioned. However, it would exceed this scope. Each of the following 10 sections discusses a specific issue in economics that relates to its dualised nature. Thus, each can as such be read on its own. However, all sections are systemically interconnected. Therefore each re-enforces the others and integrated, they are meant to show the web of masculine forces that make economics dominant towards women, Others and nature. The first three sections intend to show that economics sees itself as a neutral, objective, quantitative and universal science, which does not need to be integrated in social and natural reality. The outcome of this is, however, that economics cannot value social and environmental needs. Hence, a few individuals become very rich from capitalising on free social and natural resources, while the health of the public and the environment is degraded. It also is shown that the exaggerated focus on monetary wealth does not increase human happiness. It rather leads to a deteriorating quality of life. Thus, the false belief in eternal economic growth may eventually destroy life on planet Earth. The next section shows that economics is based on dualism, with a focus solely on yang forces. This has serious consequences for all yin issues: For example, the priority on individualism over community may in its extreme form lead to self-destruction. Similarly, the priority on rationality while excluding human emotions may end in greed, domination, poverty, violence and war. The next section is important as a means to understanding “rational” economics. Its aim is to clarify the psychological meaning of money. In reality, reason and emotion are interrelated parts of the human mind; they cannot be separated. Thus, economic “rationality” and its focus on eternal wealth generation are based on personal emotions like fears and inadequacies, rather than reason. The false belief in dualism means that human beings are lying to themselves, which results in disturbed minds, stupid actions with disastrous consequences. The focus on masculine forces is consequently psychologically unhealthy; it leads to domination of society and nature, and will eventually destroy the world. Beginning from the subject location of marginalized bodies is the only way to make gendered colonial violence visible. This epistemological privilege doesn't stem from a claim about identity, but rather the position of being most impacted by these policies. Only by centralizing these experiences can we find a roadmap for global restructuring. This is the very opposite of “special interest” thinking. If we pay attention to and think from the space of some of the most disenfranchised communities of women in the world, we are most likely to envision a just and democratic society capable of treating all its citizens fairly. Conversely, if we begin our analysis from, and limit it to, the space of privileged communities, our visions of justice are more likely to be exclusionary because privilege nurtures blindness to those without the same privileges. Beginning from the lives and interests of marginalized communities of women, I am able to access and make the workings of power visible—to read up the ladder of privilege. It is more necessary to look upward—colonized peoples must know themselves and the colonizer. This particular marginalized location makes the politics of knowledge and the power investments that go along with it visible so that we can then engage in work to transform the use and abuse of power. The analysis draws on the notion of epistemic privilege as it is developed by feminist standpoint theorists (with their roots in the historical materialism of Marx and Lukacs) as well as postpositivist realists, who provide an analysis of experience, identity, and the epistemic effects of social location.15 My view is thus a materialist and “realist” one and is antithetical to that of postmodernist relativism. I believe there are causal links between marginalized social locations and experiences and the ability of human agents to explain and analyze features of capitalist society. Methodologically, this analytic perspective is grounded in historical materialism. My claim is not that all marginalized locations yield crucial knowledge about power and inequity, but that within a tightly integrated capitalist system, the particular standpoint of poor indigenous and Third World/South women provides the most inclusive viewing of systemic power. In numerous cases of environmental racism, for instance, where the neighborhoods of poor communities of color are targeted as new sites for prisons and toxic dumps, it is no coincidence that poor black, Native American, and Latina women provide the leadership in the fight against corporate pollution. Three out of five Afro?Americans and Latinos live near toxic waste sites, and three of the five largest hazardous waste landfills are in communities with a population that is 80 percent people of color (Pardo 2001, 504–11). Thus, it is precisely their critical reflections on their everyday lives as poor women of color that allows the kind of analysis of the power structure that has led to the many victories in environmental racism struggles.16 Herein lies a lesson for feminist analysis. Feminist scientist Vandana Shiva, one of the most visible leaders of the antiglobalization movement, provides a similar and illuminating critique of the patents and intellectual property rights agreements sanctioned by the World Trade Organization since 1995.17 Along with others in the environmental and indigenous rights movements, she argues that the WTO sanctions biopiracy and engages in intellectual piracy by privileging the claims of corporate commercial interests, based on Western systems of knowledge in agriculture and medicine, to products and innovations derived from indigenous knowledge traditions. Thus, through the definition of Western scientific epistemologies as the only legitimate scientific system, the WTO is able to underwrite corporate patents to indigenous knowledge (as to the Neem tree in India) as their own intellectual property, protected through intellectual property rights agreements. As a result, the patenting of drugs derived from indigenous medicinal systems has now reached massive proportions. I quote Shiva: Through patenting, indigenous knowledge is being pirated in the name of protecting knowledge and preventing piracy. The knowledge of our ancestors, of our peasants about seeds is being claimed as an invention of U.S. corporations and U.S. scientists and patented by them. The only reason something like that can work is because underlying it all is a racist framework that says the knowledge of the Third World and the knowledge of people of color is not knowledge. When that knowledge is taken by white men who have capital, suddenly creativity begins. … Patents are a replay of colonialism, which is now called globalization and free trade. (Shiva, Gordon, and Wing 2000, 32) The contrast between Western scientific systems and indigenous epistemologies and systems of medicine is not the only issue here. It is the colonialist and corporate power to define Western science, and the reliance on capitalist values of private property and profit, as the only normative system that results in the exercise of immense power. Thus indigenous knowledges, which are often communally generated and shared among tribal and peasant women for domestic, local, and public use, are subject to the ideologies of a corporate Western scientific paradigm where intellectual property rights can only be understood in possessive or privatized form. All innovations that happen to be collective, to have occurred over time in forests and farms, are appropriated or excluded. The idea of an intellectual commons where knowledge is collectively gathered and passed on for the benefit of all, not owned privately, is the very opposite of the notion of private property and ownership that is the basis for the WTO property rights agreements. Thus this idea of an intellectual commons among tribal and peasant women actually excludes them from ownership and facilitates corporate biopiracy. Shiva’s analysis of intellectual property rights, biopiracy, and globalization is made possible by its very location in the experiences and epistemologies of peasant and tribal women in India. Beginning from the practices and knowledges of indigenous women, she “reads up” the power structure, all the way to the policies and practices sanctioned by the WTO. This is a very clear example then of a transnational, anticapitalist feminist politics. However, Shiva says less about gender than she could. She is after all talking in particular about women’s work and knowledges anchored in the epistemological experiences of one of the most marginalized communities of women in the world—poor, tribal, and peasant women in India. This is a community of women made invisible and written out of national and international economic calculations. An analysis that pays attention to the everyday experiences of tribal women and the micropolitics of their ultimately anticapitalist struggles illuminates the macropolitics of global restructuring. It suggests the thorough embeddedness of the local and particular with the global and universal, and it suggests the need to conceptualize questions of justice and equity in transborder terms. In other words, this mode of reading envisions a feminism without borders, in that it foregrounds the need for an analysis and vision of solidarity across the enforced privatized intellectual property borders of the WTO. These particular examples offer the most inclusive paradigm for understanding the motivations and effects of globalization as it is crafted by the WTO. Of course, if we were to attempt the same analysis from the epistemological space of Western, corporate interests, it would be impossible to generate an analysis that values indigenous knowledge anchored in communal relationships rather than profit?based hierarchies. Thus, poor tribal and peasant women, their knowledges and interests, would be invisible in this analytic frame because the very idea of an intellectual commons falls outside the purview of privatized property and profit that is a basis for corporate interests. The obvious issue for a transnational feminism pertains to the visions of profit and justice embodied in these opposing analytic perspectives. The focus on profit versus justice illustrates my earlier point about social location and analytically inclusive methodologies. It is the social location of the tribal women as explicated by Shiva that allows this broad and inclusive focus on justice. Similarly, it is the social location and narrow self?interest of corporations that privatizes intellectual property rights in the name of profit for elites. Shiva essentially offers a critique of the global privatization of indigenous knowledges. This is a story about the rise of transnational institutions such as the WTO, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, of banking and financial institutions and cross?national governing bodies like the MAI (Multinational Agreement on Investments). The effects of these governing bodies on poor people around the world have been devastating. In fundamental ways, it is girls and women around the world, especially in the Third World/South, that bear the brunt of globalization. Poor women and girls are the hardest hit by the degradation of environmental conditions, wars, famines, privatization of services and deregulation of governments, the dismantling of welfare states, the restructuring of paid and unpaid work, increasing surveillance and incarceration in prisons, and so on. And this is why a feminism without and beyond borders is necessary to address the injustices of global capitalism. Women and girls are still 70 percent of the world’s poor and the majority of the world’s refugees. Girls and women comprise almost 80 percent of displaced persons of the Third World/South in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Women do two?thirds of the world's work and earn less than one?tenth of its income. Women own less than one?hundredth of the world’s property, while they are the hardest hit by the effects of war, domestic violence, and religious persecution. Feminist political theorist Zillah Eisenstein states that global capital in racialized and sexualized guise destroys the public spaces of democracy and quietly sucks power out of the once social/public spaces of nation?states. Corporate capitalism has redefined citizens as consumers—and global markets replace the commitments to economic, sexual, and racial equality (Eisenstein 1998, esp. chap. 5). It is especially on the bodies and lives of women and girls from the Third World/South—the Two?Thirds World—that global capitalism writes its script, and it is by paying attention to and theorizing the experiences of these communities of women and girls that we demystify capitalism as a system of debilitating sexism and racism and envision anticapitalist resistance. Thus any analysis of the effects of globalization needs to centralize the experiences and struggles of these particular communities of women and girls. Drawing on Arif Dirlik’s notion of “place consciousness as the radical other of global capitalism” (1999), Grace Lee Boggs makes an important argument for place?based civic activism that illustrates how centralizing the struggles of marginalized communities connects to larger antiglobalization struggles. Boggs suggests that “place consciousness … encourages us to come together around common, local experiences and organize around our hopes for the future of our communities and cities. While global capitalism doesn’t give a damn about the people or the natural environment of any particular place because it can always move on to other people and other places, place?based civic activism is concerned about the health and safety of people and places” (Boggs 2000, 19). Since women are central to the life of neighborhood and communities they assume leadership positions in these struggles. This is evident in the example of women of color in struggles against environmental racism in the United States, as well as in Shiva’s example of tribal women in the struggle against deforestation and for an intellectual commons. It is then the lives, experiences, and struggles of girls and women of the Two?Thirds World that demystify capitalism in its racial and sexual dimensions—and that provide productive and necessary avenues of theorizing and enacting anticapitalist resistance. Michael Kimmel (2002) points out that the underlying logics of globalization in capitalist production, market rationality, trade liberalization, privatization, transnational corporations (TNCs) and modernity are themselves gendered, organized discourses, processes and institutional arrangements that create and perpetuate power relationships between men and women in society. In fact, Connell (2001) argues that globalization is the manifestation of globalizing masculinities historically in terms of conquests, settlements, imperial empires and postcolonialization. Recent US war involvement with Iraq offers a contemporary example to examine how global and local masculinities, politics, economic interests and military might play out and erupt into armed conflicts. Gender is thus a critical dimension that must be factored into discussion of globalization and examined for how it creates differential opportunities, challenges, risks and dilemmas for women and men and how, in turn, it modifies the process of social change Increased globalization between the US and Latin America produces poverty, sex trafficking, economic marginalization and labor exploitation based on gender oppression. Women's oppression is what subsidizes and makes economic liberalization possible. The unequal payoffs and costs of globalization are caused by its inherent contradictions that create dilemmas, risks and rights violations, breeding inequality, poverty and discontent, especially in the developing world. Whether measured in purely monetary terms or social ones, globalization is not a zero-sum game, for it brings mixed blessings and unequal outcomes within and between nations and their citizens. At the macro level, globalization fosters technological advancement, convenience of communication and transportation, and economic development that reduces costs, encourages trade expansion, promotes global production and increases the wealth of nations, though for some more than for others (Stiglitz, 2002; UNDP, 1999, 2002). However, these same factors have also facilitated the threat of capital relocation, unequal partnerships in trade and finance, fragmentations in labor production, economic marginalization, relentless cost-cutting by the TNCs, downsizing of governments, curtailment of social and legal entitlements, retrenchment of social service programs, suppression of organized labor, diminished national autonomy, reinforcement of inequality between countries, and promotion of dependency of the South on the North. At the micro level, globalization creates employment opportunities and increases female labor force participation, wage benefits, economic independence, selfworth and more life options, although these advantages are still limited and unequal. Yet, even these same benefits are besieged with contradictions, globalization also produces adverse effects particularly for women – feminization of labor in segregated and low-paying work, wage dependency, labor exploitation, economic marginalization, poverty, sex tourism, and international human trafficking of women and young girls – further worsening the already low status of women and their life conditions and exacerbating inequalities based on race, gender, class and nationality in the developing world. The alleged payoffs of globalization are, in fact, subsidized by women’s paid labor in the formal sector, their cheap labor and meager income in the informal sector, and unpaid household labor in the home. Epistemological considerations precede politics—it is the most authentic way to understand oppression to create effective responses to exploitation. Rejecting epistemology results in macro-socioengineering, which makes all impacts inevitable. RAJAN ‘92 (Roby, The Discourse of Exploitation and the Exploitation of Discourse.) How then are human beings to be reinstated in the discourse of exploitation as human beings? Fortunately, this is a problem for the discourse specialists, not for human beings. Human beings will not be trimmed down to fit the discourse; the discourse will have to find a way of being true to human beings. In the Gandhian view, the only course open for the expert specializing in articulating theories of exploitation is to join those he has transformed into the objects of his discourse, and to partake of their suffering. To incessantly engage in the production of abstruse "theories of exploitation" or to mouth the tedious rhetoric of history can be attributed either to the self-interest of the theorists themselves or to the pure satisfaction of cogitation, but must not in any case be confused with a "knowledge" of exploitation. It ought to be stressed here that for Gandhi, experiencing is not merely a requisite to developing good theory in the manner of the ethnologist or the Marxian's praxis; nor is it the mystical experiencing of the yogi in oneness with an absolute or infinite. For Gandhi, it is only the body's experiencing as a political act that connects the private and the public. This sets it worlds apart from the depoliticized construction of the body in the late modern West—the body that is content with ingesting natural foods and daily visits to the health-club/yogic therapies. In this latter construction, the body is instrumental to the transformation of the individual to enable him to be at peace with himself and the universe; the dilemmas of modernity can be dealt with expediently by making private choices in the direction of health and harmony. This fully adjusted wholesome individual on the covers of health-food books, for whom a judicious combination of natural foods and exercise has led to complete personal integration, harmony, and freedom from negative feelings, can only mean an easy cohabitation with an exploitative system. For Gandhi, "politics" is emphatically not a matter of formulating tactics and strategies for gaining the power to control and distribute resources, as it is for the Marxist; it is rather the living out of the day-to-day suffering of the exploited other within the embodied self, and of continually applying the experiential lessons of this suffering to the process of ordering our collective lives. The role of the body is crucial here because of the Gandhian conviction that more can arise out of the body than whatever order society programs into it, that there can be a morality that comes from the sensibility of the body rather than from the imperatives of the superego, and that it is by no means inevitable that our perception of social and political reality be channeled exclusively through the socially constituted ego. This runs counter to all the theories since Marx and Freud that have assumed there can be no feedback from the human organism except disorganized and dyspeptic resistance. Such theories can deny the body a critical capacity of its own only by reducing the body's organization to being either biologically preprogrammed or to being completely formed by social domination. By thus denying the body's capacity to contribute to political processes, these; discourses can then justify macro-socioengineering: because change cannot come from individual bodies, it must be im- posed on them—as market, as socialized means of production, or as some combination of the two. Resistance to these socioengineering schemes can hardly come from within the hegemonic subdiscourses that legitimated them in the first place; indeed, authentic resistance becomes impossible within the terms of the epistemology that gave rise to these discourses. Gandhi's central demonstration is that political claims can arise from the body's capacity as the crossroads of power to feel pain, experience suffering, and sense unfulfilled needs. The speech that comes from this suffering motivates a correspondingly critical analysis of culture and a critical social praxis. There is no purely "inner" realm here that is not connected to social, political, economic, and cultural conditions, just as there is no purely "outer" realm that is not connected with bodily experiencing. To effect a fissure between body and mind, between public and private, as the conventional discourses have done, is to betray the body's capacity to engage in political discourse, and to neglect changes in the self that call for and are in turn responsive to change in the larger society. This has the external impact of destroying agency by preventing active engagement in knowledge production MITCHELL 1998 Gordon R. Mitchell, Associate Professor, University of Pittsburgh, “PEDAGOGICAL POSSIBILITIES FOR ARGUMENTATIVE AGENCY IN ACADEMIC DEBATE”, Argumentation and Advocacy, 1998, Vol. 35 Issue 2, p41-60 Possibilities for argumentative agency are obscured when debate scholarship is approached from a purely spectator-oriented perspective, an activity to be conducted on the sidelines of "actual" public policy discussion. Insofar as the act of research is configured as a one-way transaction in which debaters gather and assimilate information passively through impersonal channels, this spectator orientation gains currency and becomes an acquired habit. Within this pedagogical horizon, possible options for action that move beyond traditional library research and contest round advocacy become more difficult to visualize. However, when debaters reconfigure themselves as producers of knowledge, rather than passive consumers of it, it becomes easier to cultivate senses of personal agency. One very basic way that academic debaters can reverse this equation is by turning more to primary research as a tool of debate preparation. Silence about the gendered dimension of economic engagement is an intended tactic and cloaking device that serves to conceal the work of masculine violence. Why is globalization as a gendered phenomenon not well recognized? Among many reasons, several are relevant here. First, mainstream discourse focuses on globalization primarily as encompassing macro and disembodied forces, flows and processes in terms of its economic and societal impact. The concept remains at a general, abstract level that has greater meaning and relevance to academicians, journalists and some activists than to the general public, even though people’s everyday lives are very much affected by global forces and happenings. Much of the theorizing about globalization is either gender-neutral or gender-blind, ignoring how globalization shapes gender relationships and people’s lives materially, politically, socially and culturally at all levels and treating its differential effects on women and men as similar. Gender is basically taken for granted, as if it does not matter. In particular, women’s voices and lives are virtually absent from much theoretical discussion on globalization. When the gender issue is discussed, the focus tends to be on the effects of globalization on women rather than on the effects of gender on globalization. Some of globalization’s gendered effects are invisible, particularly when its victims, such as poor Third World women, are structurally marginalized, rendering these effects less apparent and less directly observable. How the gender dimension shapes the globalization process is ignored as either unimportant or irrelevant. How gender relations are products of various global–local systems of patriarchy and hegemonic masculinities seldom enters critical debate and discussion. The failure to incorporate gender into the study of globalization in meaningful and systematic ways not only produces incomplete views of women’s rights as fundamental human rights and inaccurate understanding of the sources of gender inequality, but also can actually undermine development policy and practice. In other words, the gender dimension is a critically important missing piece in the theorizing of globalization. Therefore, gender matters for understanding what globalization is and how it is influenced by gendered hierarchies and ideologies, which in turn shape gen*dered institutions, relationships, identities and experiences of women and men. *ABLEISM MODIFIED Framing the world through gendered dualisms orients all policies towards economic growth, effeminizing all alternative discourses as irrational or impossible. This precipitates war, poverty, oppression, and environmental degradation-- making extinction inevitable. Generation of wealth was an important part of the Scientific Revolution and its modem society. The scientific discipline of economics therefore became a significant means for wealth creation. However, since it is founded on similar dualised premises as science, also economics became a system of domination and exploitation of women, Others and nature. The following discussion is intended to show that. The way in which economics, with its priority on masculine forces, becomes dominant relates to web-like, inter-connected and complex processes, which are not always clearly perceived. The below discussions try to show how the dualised priority of the individual over society, reason over emotion, self-interest over community-interest, competition over cooperation, and more pairs, generate domination that leads to the four crises of violence and war, poverty, human oppression and environmental degradation. The aim in sum is to show how the current perspective of economics is destroying society (women and Others) and nature. The following discussion is consequently a critique of economics. It is meant to highlight some elements that make economics a dominant ideology, rather than a system of knowledge. It adopts a feministic view and it is therefore seen from the side of women, poor people and nature. The critique is extensive, but not exhaustive. It is extensive because economics is the single most important tool used by mainstream institutions for development in the South. Thus if we want to understand why development does not alleviate poverty, then we first need to comprehend why its main instrument, economics, cannot alleviate poverty. A critical analysis of economics and its influence in development is therefore important as an introduction to next chapter, which discusses ecofeminism and development. However, the critique is not exhaustive because it focuses only on the dualised elements in economics. It is highly likely that there are many more critical issues in economics, which should be analyzed in addition to the below mentioned. However, it would exceed this scope. Each of the following 10 sections discusses a specific issue in economics that relates to its dualised nature. Thus, each can as such be read on its own. However, all sections are systemically interconnected. Therefore each re-enforces the others and integrated, they are meant to show the web of masculine forces that make economics dominant towards women, Others and nature. The first three sections intend to show that economics sees itself as a neutral, objective, quantitative and universal science, which does not need to be integrated in social and natural reality. The outcome of this is, however, that economics cannot value social and environmental needs. Hence, a few individuals become very rich from capitalising on free social and natural resources, while the health of the public and the environment is degraded. It also is shown that the exaggerated focus on monetary wealth does not increase human happiness. It rather leads to a deteriorating quality of life. Thus, the false belief in eternal economic growth may eventually destroy life on planet Earth. The next section shows that economics is based on dualism, with a focus solely on yang forces. This has serious consequences for all yin issues: For example, the priority on individualism over community may in its extreme form lead to self-destruction. Similarly, the priority on rationality while excluding human emotions may end in greed, domination, poverty, violence and war. The next section is important as a means to understanding “rational” economics. Its aim is to clarify the psychological meaning of money. In reality, reason and emotion are interrelated parts of the human mind; they cannot be separated. Thus, economic “rationality” and its focus on eternal wealth generation are based on personal emotions like fears and inadequacies, rather than reason. The false belief in dualism means that human beings are lying to themselves, which results in disturbed minds, stupid actions with disastrous consequences. The focus on masculine forces is consequently psychologically unhealthy; it leads to domination of society and nature, and will eventually destroy the world. Beginning from the subject location of marginalized bodies is the only way to make gendered colonial violence visible. This epistemological privilege doesn't stem from a claim about identity, but rather the position of being most impacted by these policies. Only by centralizing these experiences can we find a roadmap for global restructuring. This is the very opposite of “special interest” thinking. If we pay attention to and think from the space of some of the most disenfranchised communities of women in the world, we are most likely to envision a just and democratic society capable of treating all its citizens fairly. Conversely, if we begin our analysis from, and limit it to, the space of privileged communities, our visions of justice are more likely to be exclusionary because privilege nurtures blindness to those without the same privileges. Beginning from the lives and interests of marginalized communities of women, I am able to access and make the workings of power visible—to read up the ladder of privilege. It is more necessary to look upward—colonized peoples must know themselves and the colonizer. This particular marginalized location makes the politics of knowledge and the power investments that go along with it visible so that we can then engage in work to transform the use and abuse of power. The analysis draws on the notion of epistemic privilege as it is developed by feminist standpoint theorists (with their roots in the historical materialism of Marx and Lukacs) as well as postpositivist realists, who provide an analysis of experience, identity, and the epistemic effects of social location.15 My view is thus a materialist and “realist” one and is antithetical to that of postmodernist relativism. I believe there are causal links between marginalized social locations and experiences and the ability of human agents to explain and analyze features of capitalist society. Methodologically, this analytic perspective is grounded in historical materialism. My claim is not that all marginalized locations yield crucial knowledge about power and inequity, but that within a tightly integrated capitalist system, the particular standpoint of poor indigenous and Third World/South women provides the most inclusive viewing of systemic power. In numerous cases of environmental racism, for instance, where the neighborhoods of poor communities of color are targeted as new sites for prisons and toxic dumps, it is no coincidence that poor black, Native American, and Latina women provide the leadership in the fight against corporate pollution. Three out of five Afro?Americans and Latinos live near toxic waste sites, and three of the five largest hazardous waste landfills are in communities with a population that is 80 percent people of color (Pardo 2001, 504–11). Thus, it is precisely their critical reflections on their everyday lives as poor women of color that allows the kind of analysis of the power structure that has led to the many victories in environmental racism struggles.16 Herein lies a lesson for feminist analysis. Feminist scientist Vandana Shiva, one of the most visible leaders of the antiglobalization movement, provides a similar and illuminating critique of the patents and intellectual property rights agreements sanctioned by the World Trade Organization since 1995.17 Along with others in the environmental and indigenous rights movements, she argues that the WTO sanctions biopiracy and engages in intellectual piracy by privileging the claims of corporate commercial interests, based on Western systems of knowledge in agriculture and medicine, to products and innovations derived from indigenous knowledge traditions. Thus, through the definition of Western scientific epistemologies as the only legitimate scientific system, the WTO is able to underwrite corporate patents to indigenous knowledge (as to the Neem tree in India) as their own intellectual property, protected through intellectual property rights agreements. As a result, the patenting of drugs derived from indigenous medicinal systems has now reached massive proportions. I quote Shiva: Through patenting, indigenous knowledge is being pirated in the name of protecting knowledge and preventing piracy. The knowledge of our ancestors, of our peasants about seeds is being claimed as an invention of U.S. corporations and U.S. scientists and patented by them. The only reason something like that can work is because underlying it all is a racist framework that says the knowledge of the Third World and the knowledge of people of color is not knowledge. When that knowledge is taken by white men who have capital, suddenly creativity begins. … Patents are a replay of colonialism, which is now called globalization and free trade. (Shiva, Gordon, and Wing 2000, 32) The contrast between Western scientific systems and indigenous epistemologies and systems of medicine is not the only issue here. It is the colonialist and corporate power to define Western science, and the reliance on capitalist values of private property and profit, as the only normative system that results in the exercise of immense power. Thus indigenous knowledges, which are often communally generated and shared among tribal and peasant women for domestic, local, and public use, are subject to the ideologies of a corporate Western scientific paradigm where intellectual property rights can only be understood in possessive or privatized form. All innovations that happen to be collective, to have occurred over time in forests and farms, are appropriated or excluded. The idea of an intellectual commons where knowledge is collectively gathered and passed on for the benefit of all, not owned privately, is the very opposite of the notion of private property and ownership that is the basis for the WTO property rights agreements. Thus this idea of an intellectual commons among tribal and peasant women actually excludes them from ownership and facilitates corporate biopiracy. Shiva’s analysis of intellectual property rights, biopiracy, and globalization is made possible by its very location in the experiences and epistemologies of peasant and tribal women in India. Beginning from the practices and knowledges of indigenous women, she “reads up” the power structure, all the way to the policies and practices sanctioned by the WTO. This is a very clear example then of a transnational, anticapitalist feminist politics. However, Shiva says less about gender than she could. She is after all talking in particular about women’s work and knowledges anchored in the epistemological experiences of one of the most marginalized communities of women in the world—poor, tribal, and peasant women in India. This is a community of women made invisible and written out of national and international economic calculations. An analysis that pays attention to the everyday experiences of tribal women and the micropolitics of their ultimately anticapitalist struggles illuminates the macropolitics of global restructuring. It suggests the thorough embeddedness of the local and particular with the global and universal, and it suggests the need to conceptualize questions of justice and equity in transborder terms. In other words, this mode of reading envisions a feminism without borders, in that it foregrounds the need for an analysis and vision of solidarity across the enforced privatized intellectual property borders of the WTO. These particular examples offer the most inclusive paradigm for understanding the motivations and effects of globalization as it is crafted by the WTO. Of course, if we were to attempt the same analysis from the epistemological space of Western, corporate interests, it would be impossible to generate an analysis that values indigenous knowledge anchored in communal relationships rather than profit?based hierarchies. Thus, poor tribal and peasant women, their knowledges and interests, would be invisible in this analytic frame because the very idea of an intellectual commons falls outside the purview of privatized property and profit that is a basis for corporate interests. The obvious issue for a transnational feminism pertains to the visions of profit and justice embodied in these opposing analytic perspectives. The focus on profit versus justice illustrates my earlier point about social location and analytically inclusive methodologies. It is the social location of the tribal women as explicated by Shiva that allows this broad and inclusive focus on justice. Similarly, it is the social location and narrow self?interest of corporations that privatizes intellectual property rights in the name of profit for elites. Shiva essentially offers a critique of the global privatization of indigenous knowledges. This is a story about the rise of transnational institutions such as the WTO, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, of banking and financial institutions and cross?national governing bodies like the MAI (Multinational Agreement on Investments). The effects of these governing bodies on poor people around the world have been devastating. In fundamental ways, it is girls and women around the world, especially in the Third World/South, that bear the brunt of globalization. Poor women and girls are the hardest hit by the degradation of environmental conditions, wars, famines, privatization of services and deregulation of governments, the dismantling of welfare states, the restructuring of paid and unpaid work, increasing surveillance and incarceration in prisons, and so on. And this is why a feminism without and beyond borders is necessary to address the injustices of global capitalism. Women and girls are still 70 percent of the world’s poor and the majority of the world’s refugees. Girls and women comprise almost 80 percent of displaced persons of the Third World/South in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Women do two?thirds of the world's work and earn less than one?tenth of its income. Women own less than one?hundredth of the world’s property, while they are the hardest hit by the effects of war, domestic violence, and religious persecution. Feminist political theorist Zillah Eisenstein states that global capital in racialized and sexualized guise destroys the public spaces of democracy and quietly sucks power out of the once social/public spaces of nation?states. Corporate capitalism has redefined citizens as consumers—and global markets replace the commitments to economic, sexual, and racial equality (Eisenstein 1998, esp. chap. 5). It is especially on the bodies and lives of women and girls from the Third World/South—the Two?Thirds World—that global capitalism writes its script, and it is by paying attention to and theorizing the experiences of these communities of women and girls that we demystify capitalism as a system of debilitating sexism and racism and envision anticapitalist resistance. Thus any analysis of the effects of globalization needs to centralize the experiences and struggles of these particular communities of women and girls. Drawing on Arif Dirlik’s notion of “place consciousness as the radical other of global capitalism” (1999), Grace Lee Boggs makes an important argument for place?based civic activism that illustrates how centralizing the struggles of marginalized communities connects to larger antiglobalization struggles. Boggs suggests that “place consciousness … encourages us to come together around common, local experiences and organize around our hopes for the future of our communities and cities. While global capitalism doesn’t give a damn about the people or the natural environment of any particular place because it can always move on to other people and other places, place?based civic activism is concerned about the health and safety of people and places” (Boggs 2000, 19). Since women are central to the life of neighborhood and communities they assume leadership positions in these struggles. This is evident in the example of women of color in struggles against environmental racism in the United States, as well as in Shiva’s example of tribal women in the struggle against deforestation and for an intellectual commons. It is then the lives, experiences, and struggles of girls and women of the Two?Thirds World that demystify capitalism in its racial and sexual dimensions—and that provide productive and necessary avenues of theorizing and enacting anticapitalist resistance. | 4/25/14 |
Prolif Good Alta Round 6Tournament: Alta | Round: 6 | Opponent: Meadows CN | Judge: Alex Velto Other, more optimistic, scholars see … potential gains of an attacker’. Proliferation stops miscalculation – risks of nuclear war are too clear. No such potential for miscalculation …. having nuclear weapons approaches zero.’’ | 12/7/13 |
Prostitution CP ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 3 | Opponent: Head Royce TP | Judge: Connor Woodruff CP Solves- only decriminalization and legalization allow for rights to truly be protected Proponents for the decriminalization of …not allowed to have cars. Decriminalization will bring in stronger … so, because they risk arrest." | 1/10/14 |
Prostitution CP USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 1 | Opponent: Notre Dame LP | Judge: Mike Shackleford and Bill Smelko CP Solves- only decriminalization and legalization allow for rights to truly be protected Proponents for the decriminalization of … not allowed to have cars. That’s key to solving the confusion over trafficking and worker violence Decriminalization will bring in stronger …. so, because they risk arrest." | 11/3/13 |
Rasch K ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 3 | Opponent: Head Royce TP | Judge: Connor Woodruff Rasch in 3 /Professor and Chair of Germanic Studies, Indian University Bloomington, Ph.D. U of Washington/ William, “Human Rights as Geopolitics: Carl Schmitt and the Legal Form of American Supremacy”, Cultural Critique 54, pg. 120-147 Once again we see that... search for the "inhuman" other. Odysseos 08, Dr. Louiza Odysseos, University of Sussex Department of International Relations, “Against Ethics? Iconographies of Enmity and Acts of Obligation in Carl Schmitt’s Theory of the Partisan,” Practices of Ethics: Relating/Responding to Difference in International Politics Annual Convention, International Studies Association, 2008MC In The Concept of the … the heading of ‘self government’(2007b). Our obligation lies in the openness of the political order. Liberalized politics is too limited in scope and ignores the pluriversal nature of the political. That’s critical to real inclusion. Odysseos 08, Dr. Louiza Odysseos, University of Sussex Department of International Relations, “Against Ethics? Iconographies of Enmity and Acts of Obligation in Carl Schmitt’s Theory of the Partisan,” Practices of Ethics: Relating/Responding to Difference in International Politics Annual Convention, International Studies Association, 2008MC The paper ends with a … politics, of politics as pluriverse. | 1/10/14 |
Rasch K GonzagaTournament: Gonzaga | Round: 5 | Opponent: Puget SoundInterlake LM | Judge: Taylor Coles Rasch in 3 /Professor and Chair of Germanic Studies, Indian University Bloomington, Ph.D. U of Washington/ William, “Human Rights as Geopolitics: Carl Schmitt and the Legal Form of American Supremacy”, Cultural Critique 54, pg. 120-147 Once again we see that … search for the "inhuman" other. The Dream of Universal Inclusion is Façade, only the alternative can prevent the ultimate form of exclusion and annihilation What is to be done? … political nightmares of absolute exclusion. Alternative: Only rejecting the ethics of obligation prevents the annihilation of difference and unending violence. We should embrace the space of the political through the endorsement of enmity. Our obligation lies in the openness of the political order. Liberalized politics is too limited in scope and ignores the pluriversal nature of the political. That’s critical to real inclusion. Odysseos 08, Dr. Louiza Odysseos, University of Sussex Department of International Relations, “Against Ethics? Iconographies of Enmity and Acts of Obligation in Carl Schmitt’s Theory of the Partisan,” Practices of Ethics: Relating/Responding to Difference in International Politics Annual Convention, International Studies Association, 2008MC The paper ends with a … politics, of politics as pluriverse. | 1/4/14 |
Rasch K Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: Octas | Opponent: Rowland Hall KG | Judge: Misty Tippets, Chris Crowe, Kendra Doty Once again we see that … search for the "inhuman" other. Psychoanalysis reinstates the authority of the analyst as coercive and absolute. The aff seeks to co-opt all resistance to their ordering as projection--however this is the worst form of power relation because it makes legitimate emnity impossible This adversarial configuration of the… in a position of subordination. The alternative solves: Only rejecting their framing of the debate, This attempt to reorder subjectivity through the analyst and analysand is authoritarian. Psychoanalysis and the therapies that … reborn in the consulting room. The Dream of Universal Inclusion is Façade, only the alternative can prevent the ultimate form of exclusion and annihilation What is to be done? … political nightmares of absolute exclusion. The ethical endorsement of the 1AC establishes a new order for humanity. Their ontology shapes a world that requires the production of a violent other and the extermination of that other. Instead of an inclusive or utopian society, the affirmative will justify wars of annihilation in the name of difference. In The Concept of the … the heading of ‘self government’(2007b). Our obligation lies in the openness of the political order. Liberalized politics is too limited in scope and ignores the pluriversal nature of the political. That’s critical to real inclusion. The paper ends with a … politics, of politics as pluriverse. | 1/21/14 |
Raskin Turn ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 3 | Opponent: Head Royce TP | Judge: Connor Woodruff As I have noted, world … for the few, demands recognition. | 1/10/14 |
Regime Turn USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 2 | Opponent: South East PR | Judge: Chris Crowe and Scott Phillips Lifting the ban for U.S. , who had financed his Revolution. | 12/5/13 |
Schmitt K NDCA Round 4Tournament: NDCA | Round: 4 | Opponent: CPS AG | Judge: Sarah Topp Once again we see that the term "human" is not descriptive, but evaluative. To be truly human, one needs to be corrected. Regarding the relationship of difference and equality, Todorov concludes, "If it is End Page 139 incontestable that the prejudice of superiority is an obstacle in the road to knowledge, we must also admit that the prejudice of equality is a still greater one, for it consists in identifying the other purely and simply with one's own 'ego ideal' (or with oneself)" (1984, 165). Such identification is not only the essence of Christianity, but also of the doctrine of human rights preached by enthusiasts like Habermas and Rawls. And such identification means that the other is stripped of his otherness and made to conform to the universal ideal of what it means to be human.¶ ¶ And yet, despite—indeed, because of—the all-encompassing embrace, the detested other is never allowed to leave the stage altogether. Even as we seem on the verge of actualizing Kant's dream, as Habermas puts it, of "a cosmopolitan order" that unites all peoples and abolishes war under the auspices of "the states of the First World" who "can afford to harmonize their national interests to a certain extent with the norms that define the halfhearted cosmopolitan aspirations of the UN" (1998, 165, 184), it is still fascinating to see how the barbarians make their functionally necessary presence felt. John Rawls, in his The Law of Peoples (1999), conveniently divides the world into well-ordered peoples and those who are not well ordered. Among the former are the "reasonable liberal peoples" and the "decent hierarchical peoples" (4). Opposed to them are the "outlaw states" and other "burdened" peoples who are not worthy of respect. Liberal peoples, who, by virtue of their history, possess superior institutions, culture, and moral character (23-25), have not only the right to deny non-well-ordered peoples respect, but the duty to extend what Vitoria called "brotherly correction" and Habermas "gentle compulsion" (Habermas 1997, 133). 13 That is, Rawls believes that the "refusal to tolerate" those states deemed to be outlaw states "is a consequence of liberalism and decency." Why? Because outlaw states violate human rights. What are human rights? "What I call human rights," Rawls states, "are ... a proper subset of the rights possessed by citizens in a liberal constitutional democratic regime, or of the rights of the members of a decent hierarchical society" (Rawls 1999, 81). Because of their violation of these liberal rights, nonliberal, nondecent societies do not even have the right "to protest their condemnation by the world society" (38), and decent peoples have the right, if necessary, to wage just wars against them. Thus, End Page 140 liberal societies are not merely contingently established and historically conditioned forms of organization; they become the universal standard against which other societies are judged. Those found wanting are banished, as outlaws, from the civilized world. Ironically, one of the signs of their outlaw status is their insistence on autonomy, on sovereignty. As Rawls states, "Human rights are a class of rights that play a special role in a reasonable Law of Peoples: they restrict the justifying reasons for war and its conduct, and they specify limits to a regime's internal autonomy. In this way they reflect the two basic and historically profound changes in how the powers of sovereignty have been conceived since World War II" (79). Yet, what Rawls sees as a postwar development in the notion of sovereignty—that is, its restriction—could not, in fact, have occurred had it not been for the unrestricted sovereign powers of the victors of that war, especially, of course, the supreme power of the United States. The limitation of (others') sovereignty is an imposed limitation, imposed by a sovereign state that has never relinquished its own sovereign power. What for Vitoria was the sovereignty of Christendom and for Scott the sovereignty of humanity becomes for Rawls the simple but uncontested sovereignty of liberalism itself. 14¶ ¶ So goes the contemporary refinement of the achievement that so impressed Schmitt in 1932. "Time and again," wrote Schmitt back then, sensing what was to come,¶ ¶ the great superiority, the amazing political achievement of the U.S. reveals itself in the fact that it uses general, flexible concepts.... With regard to these decisive political concepts, it depends on who interprets, defines, and uses them; who concretely decides what peace is, what disarmament, what intervention, what public order and security are. One of the most important manifestations of humanity's legal and spiritual life is the fact that whoever has true power is able to determine the content of concepts and words. Caesar dominus et supra grammaticam. Caesar is also lord over grammar. (1988, Positionen und Begriffe, 202)¶ For Schmitt, to assume that one can derive morally correct political institutions from abstract, universal norms is to put the cart before the horse. The truly important question remains: who decides? 15 What political power representing which political order defines terms like human rights and public reason, defines, in fact, what it means to be properly human? What political power distinguishes End Page 141 between the decent and the indecent, between those who police the world and those who are outlawed from it? Indeed, what political power decides what is and what is not political? Habermas's contention that normative legality neutralizes the moral and the political and that therefore Schmitt "suppresses" the "decisive point," namely, "the legal preconditions of an impartial judicial authority and a neutral system of criminal punishment" (1998, 200), is enough to make even an incurable skeptic a bit nostalgic for the old Frankfurt School distinction between affirmative and critical theory. One could observe, for instance, that the "universality" of human rights has a very particular base. As Habermas says:¶ ¶ Asiatic societies cannot participate in capitalistic modernization without taking advantage of the achievements of an individualistic legal order. One cannot desire the one and reject the other. From the perspective of Asian countries, the question is not whether human rights, as part of an individualistic legal order, are compatible with the transmission of one's own culture. Rather, the question is whether the traditional forms of political and societal integration can be reasserted against—or must instead be adapted to—the hard-to-resist imperatives of an economic modernization that has won approval on the whole. (2001, 124)¶ Thus, despite his emphasis on procedure and the universality of his so-called discourse principle, the choice that confronts Asiatic societies or any other people is a choice between cultural identity and economic survival, between, in other words, cultural and physical extermination. As Schmitt said, the old Christian and civilizing distinction between believers and nonbelievers (Gläubigern and Nicht-Gläubigern) has become the modern, economic distinction between "creditors and debtors" (Gläubigern and Schuldnern).¶ ¶ But while affirmative theorists like Habermas and Rawls are busy constructing the ideological scaffolding that supports the structure of the status quo, what role is there for the "critical" theorist to play? Despite the sanguine hopes of Hardt and Negri (2000) that "Empire" will all but spontaneously combust as a result of the irrepressible ur-desire of the multitude, can we seriously place our faith in some utopian grand alternative anymore, or in some revolutionary or therapeutic result based on the truth of critique that would allow us all, in the end, to sing in the sunshine and laugh everyday? Do, in fact, such utopian fantasies not lead to the moralizing hubris of a End Page 142 Rawls or a Habermas? 16 In short, it is one thing to recognize the concealed, particular interests that govern the discourse and politics of human rights and quite another to think seriously about how things could be different, to imagine an international system that respected both the equality and the difference of states and/or peoples. Is it possible—and this is Todorov's question—to value Vitoria's principle of the "free circulation of men, ideas, and goods" and still also "cherish another principle, that of self-determination and noninterference" (Todorov 1984, 177)? The entire "Vitorian" tradition, from Scott to Habermas and Rawls, thinks not. Habermas, for instance, emphatically endorses the fact that "the erosion of the principle of nonintervention in recent decades has been due primarily to the politics of human rights" (1998, 147), a "normative" achievement that is not so incidentally correlated with a positive, economic fact: "In view of the subversive forces and imperatives of the world market and of the increasing density of worldwide networks of communication and commerce, the external sovereignty of states, however it may be grounded, is by now in any case an anachronism" (150). And opposition to this development is not merely anachronistic; it is illegitimate, not to be tolerated. So, for those who sincerely believe in American institutional, cultural, and moral superiority, the times could not be rosier. After all, when push comes to shove, "we" decide—not only about which societies are decent and which ones are not, but also about which acts of violence are "terrorist" and which compose the "gentle compulsion" of a "just war."¶ ¶ What, however, are those "barbarians" who disagree with the new world order supposed to do? With Agamben, they could wait for a "completely new politics" to come, but the contours of such a politics are unknown and will remain unknown until the time of its arrival. And that time, much like the second coming of Christ, seems infinitely deferrable. While they wait for the Benjaminian "divine violence" to sweep away the residual effects of the demonic rule of law (Benjamin 1996, 248-52), the barbarians might be tempted to entertain Schmitt's rather forlorn fantasy of an egalitarian balance of power. Yet if the old, inner-European balance of power rested on an asymmetrical exclusion of the non-European world, it must be asked: what new exclusion will be necessary for a new balance, and is that new exclusion tolerable? At the moment, there is no answer to End Page 143 this question, only a precondition to an answer. If one wishes to entertain Todorov's challenge of thinking both equality and difference, universal commerce of people and ideas as well as self-determination and nonintervention, then the concept of humanity must once again become the invisible and unsurpassable horizon of discourse, not its positive pole. The word "human," to evoke one final distinction, must once again become descriptive of a "fact" and not a "value." Otherwise, whatever else it may be, the search for "human" rights will always also be the negative image of the relentless search for the "inhuman" other. The drive to abolish suffering holds life in contempt. The tension of the soul in misfortune is what cultivates human greatness and solutions Whether it be hedonism or pessimism or utilitarianism or eudaemonism: all these modes of thought which assess the value of things according to pleasure and suffering, that is to say according to attendant and secondary phenomena, are foreground modes of thought and naïvetés which anyone conscious of creative powers and an artist’s conscience will look down on with derision, though not without pity. Pity for you! That, to be sure, is not pity for social “distress,” for “society” and its sick and unfortunate, for the vicious and broken from the start who lie all around us; even less is it pity for the grumbling, oppressed, rebellious slave classes who aspire after domination—they call it “freedom.” Our pity is a more elevated, more farsighted pity—we see how man is diminishing himself, how you are diminishing him!—and there are times when we behold your pity with an indescribable anxiety, when we defend ourselves against this pity—when we find your seriousness more dangerous than any kind of frivolity. You want if possible—and there is no madder “if possible”—to abolish suffering: and we?—it really does seem that we would rather increase it and make it worse than it has ever been! Well-being as you understand it—that is no goal, that seems to us an end! A state which soon renders man ludicrous and contemptible—which makes it desirable that he should perish! The discipline of suffering, of great suffering—do you not know that it is this discipline alone which has created every elevation of mankind hitherto? That tension of the soul in misfortune which cultivates its strength, its terror at the sight of great destruction, its inventiveness and bravery in undergoing, enduring, interpreting, exploiting misfortune, and whatever of depth, mystery, mask, spirit, cunning and greatness has been bestowed upon it—has it not been bestowed through suffering, through the discipline of great suffering? In man, creature and creator are united: in man there is matter, fragment, excess, clay, mud, madness, chaos; but in man there is also creator, sculptor, the hardness of the hammer, the divine spectator and the seventh day—do you understand this antithesis? And that your pity is for the “creature in man,” for that which has to be formed, broken, forged, torn, burned, annealed, refined—that which has to suffer and should suffer? And our pity—do you not grasp whom our opposite pity is for when it defends itself against your pity as the worst of all pampering and weakening?—Pity against pity, then!—But, to repeat, there are higher problems than the problems of pleasure and suffering and pity; and every philosophy that treats only of them is a peace of naïveté.— What is to be done? If you are one who says there is a war, and if you¶ say it not because you glory in it but because you fear it and hate it, then¶ your goal is to limit it and its effects, not eliminate it, which merely intensifies¶ it, but limit it by drawing clear lines within which it can be fought, and¶ clear lines between those who fight it and those who don’t, lines between¶ friends, enemies, and neutrals, lines between combatants and noncombatants.¶ There are, of course, legitimate doubts about whether those ideal lines¶ could ever be drawn again; nevertheless, the question that we should ask¶ is not how can we establish perpetual peace, but rather a more modest¶ one: Can symmetrical relationships be guaranteed only by asymmetrical¶ ones? According to Schmitt, historically this has been the case. ‘‘The traditional¶ Eurocentric order of international law is foundering today, as is the¶ old nomos of the earth. This order arose from a legendary and unforeseen¶ discovery of a new world, from an unrepeatable historical event. Only in¶ fantastic parallels can one imagine a modern recurrence, such as men on¶ their way to the moon discovering a new and hitherto unknown planet that¶ could be exploited freely and utilized effectively to relieve their struggles¶ on earth’’ (39). We have since gone to the moon and have found nothing¶ on the way there to exploit. We may soon go to Mars, if current leaders¶ have their way, but the likelihood of finding exploitable populations seems¶ equally slim. Salvation through spatially delimited asymmetry, even were it¶ to be desired, is just not on the horizon. And salvation through globalization,¶ that is, through global unity and equality, is equally impossible, because¶ today’s asymmetry is not so much a localization of the exception as it is an¶ invisible generation of the exception from within that formal ideal of unity,¶ a generation of the exception as the difference between the human and the¶ inhuman outlaw, the ‘‘Savage Beast, with whom Men can have no Society¶ nor Security.’’ We are, therefore, thrown back upon ourselves, which is to¶ say, upon those artificial ‘‘moral persons’’ who act as our collective political¶ identities. They used to be called states. What they will be called in the future¶ remains to be seen. But, if we think to establish a differentiated unity of discrete¶ political entities that once represented for Schmitt ‘‘the highest form¶ of order within the scope of human power,’’ then we must symmetrically¶ manage the necessary pairing of inclusion and exclusion without denying¶ the ‘‘forms of power and domination’’ that inescapably accompany human¶ ordering. We must think the possibility of roughly equivalent power relations¶ rather than fantasize the elimination of power from the political universe.¶ This, conceivably, was also Schmitt’s solution. Whether his idea of the¶ plurality of Großräume could ever be carried out under contemporary circumstances¶ is, to be sure, more than a little doubtful, given that the United¶ States enjoys a monopoly on guns, goods, and the Good, in the form of a¶ supremely effective ideology of universal ‘‘democratization.’’ Still, we would¶ do well to devise vocabularies that do not just emphatically repeat philosophically¶ more sophisticated versions of the liberal ideology of painless,¶ effortless, universal equality. The space of the political will never be created¶ by a bloodless, Benjaminian divine violence. Nor is it to be confused with¶ the space of the simply human. To dream the dreams of universal inclusion¶ may satisfy an irrepressible human desire, but it may also always produce¶ recurring, asphyxiating political nightmares of absolute exclusion. Our obligation lies in the openness of the political order. Liberalized politics is too limited in scope and ignores the pluriversal nature of the political. That’s critical to real inclusion. Odysseos 08, Dr. Louiza Odysseos, University of Sussex Department of International Relations, “Against Ethics? Iconographies of Enmity and Acts of Obligation in Carl Schmitt’s Theory of the Partisan,” Practices of Ethics: Relating/Responding to Difference in International Politics Annual Convention, International Studies Association, 2008MC The paper ends with a discussion of obligation. Outlining the contours of a notion of political, rather, than ethical obligation, however, may require some explicit distancing from the now-familiar accounts that have oriented critical ‘ethical’ endeavours for some time. So we ask again the ethical question which has haunted us: from whence does obligation originate? Were we to be still enthralled by a Levinasian or generally any ‘other-beholden’ thought of being ‘hostage’ to the other, we might say that the face to face encounter installs obligation before representation, knowledge and other ‘Greek’ relationalities (Levinas 1989: 76–77; Odysseos 2007a: 132-151).Caputo, however, warns us off this kind of commitment to a notion of perfectible or total obligation. He asks that we recognise that ‘one is always inside/outside obligation, on its margins. On the threshold of foolishness. Almost a perfect fool for the Other. But not quite; nothing is perfect’ (1993: 126). The laudable but impossible perfectibility of ethics and ethical obligation to the other must be rethought. This is because ‘one is hostage of the Other, but one also keeps an army, just in case’ (ibid.).Caputo is not speaking as a political realist in this apparently funny comment. He is pointing, I suggest, to the centrality of politics and enmity. Obligation is not to the other alone; it is also to the radical possibility of openness of political order, which allows self and other to be ‘determined otherwise’ (Prozorov 2007a). Analytically, we also want to know the tactics and subjective effects of being directed towards enforced freedom. In this way, we might articulate a political and concrete act obligation that is inextricably tied to freedom that is not ‘enforced’, that is not produced for us, or as ‘us’.nWith Schmitt, one might say that obligation points practically (i.e. politically) to the ‘relativisation of enmity’. Obligation may not, however, be towards the enemy as such, for the enemy is the pulse of the political – so long as the enemy is relative (yet can be killed) in the order, the openness of the order can be vouched safe in the disruption of the absolutism of its immanence (Ojakangas 2007; Schmitt 1995a). We might, then, recast Schmitt’s conception of the political (which he regards as coming into being in the decision which distinguishes between friend and enemy) through his later emphasis in Theory of the Partisan on the politically normative significance of the relativisation of enmity. In other words, we might say that what needs to remain possible is the constant struggle ‘between constituent and constituted power’(Beasley-Murray 2005: 221) in both society and also world order. It is important to identify the ethical and governmental project of enforced freedom because doing so allows us to think of obligation as related to a different freedom: freedom as resistance (not freedom as an attribute). Prozorov suggests that an ‘ontology of concrete freedom’ relies on ‘freedom of potentiality of being other wise, of being able to ‘to assert one’s power as a living being against the power, whose paradigm consists in the “care of the living”’ (2007a: 210-211). This assumes, however, first, that resistance lies in the ‘refusal of biopolitical care that affirms the sovereign power of bare life’ ((Prozorov 2007a: 20) and, second, that there is a sort of ‘radical freedom of the human being that precedes governmental care’ (Prozorov2007a: 110). I argue in conclusion, however, that freedom as resistance is still too limited; it may still be, despite all attempts, lured back to a thinking of an essence: of that prior state of pre-governmental production of subjectivity, which in actuality does not exist. Rather, Foucault’s brief intervention on the issue of obligation (2001b) through the International Committee against Piracy points to ‘a radically interdependent relationship with practices of governmentality’ (Campbell 1998: 516) to which we are all subjected, here understood in the proper Greek sense of our subjectivity being predicated on governmental practice (cf. Odysseos 2007a: 4). ‘We are all members of the community of the governed and thereby obliged to show mutual solidarity’, Foucault had argued, as against obligation understood within modern humanism (Foucault 2001b: 474; emphasis added). This obligation which he invokes simply exists (es gibt), as Heidegger might say. We would add that Schmitt’s account of the transition from ‘real’ to ‘absolute’ enmity in the twentieth century and his demand that ‘the enemy is not something to be eliminated out of a particular reason, something to be annihilated as worthless..’ must be read in this way (Schmitt2004: 61): as speaking for the need to ward off the shutting down of politics. That is why Schmitt’s two iconographies rest precisely on two extremes: the mythic narratives of an order open to enmity as its exteriority, which guarantees pluriversal openness, on the one hand, and the absolute immanence of order where ‘absolute enmity drives the political universe’ on the other hand (Goodson 2004b: 151).This is a notion of a world-political obligation that ‘is a kind of skandalon for ethics, which makes ethics blush, which it must reject or expel in order to maintain its good name…’ (Caputo 1993: 5). This obligation is articulated for the openness that enmity brings; it attends to the other as enemy by allowing, against ethics, for the continued but changeable structurations of the field of politics, of politics as pluriverse. | 4/25/14 |
Shunning AltaTournament: Alta | Round: 1 | Opponent: Hillcrest High HO | Judge: David Gardner What is the main obstacle ... swing state in presidential elections. Shun them—that’s an a priori concern A fundamental task of morality … communities might have put it. That outweighs The value of survival could … succeeded in not doing so. | 12/7/13 |
Shunning MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 2 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep RM | Judge: Kendra Doty What is the main obstacle ….. swing state in presidential elections. A fundamental task of morality… communities might have put it. | 10/28/13 |
Soft Power Bad BerkeleyTournament: Berkeley | Round: 3 | Opponent: Leucadia Independent GY | Judge: Scott Phillips The Obama Doctrine is looking … that’s actually not so bad.” Heg is sustainable- we assume your warrants So, America is doomed, right? … net exporter of natural gas. Libya and Iran prove soft power fails — Chinese counterbalancing also moots effectiveness — our evidence assumes a best case scenario Even under the best conditions, …. practices and human rights violations. The decline of soft power’s… excuse for its military abdication. A similarly failed soft-power … better relations with the West. Proliferators or nuclear states like … neighbors or their own people.172 Appeasement: In his March message … Washington, can play this role. But a suicide bomber in … collision course with unimaginable disaster. | 2/17/14 |
Speaking for Others MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 6 | Opponent: St Vincent De Paul MY | Judge: Christian Rodriguez Feminist discourse is not the … of those oppressed groups themselves.6 The aff’s doesn’t allow us to acknowledge the choices we are making which means we can never actually address the problems we are trying to solve In the examples used above, there … the articulation of the problem. | 10/30/13 |
Subalterity K GonzagaTournament: Gonzaga | Round: 4 | Opponent: St Francis GR | Judge: Matt Filpi More than a struggle to … promise of quotidian practical intimacy. White racialized identity hidden beneath democracy is the condition of possibility for US interventionism. The cultural fear based politics and consensus building based off of this whiteness is what fuels our messianism in other countries, making backlash and all their impacts inevitable. Martinot, 2003 American nationalism took a slightly… violently enforced allegiance to it. liberal reformist attempt to solve racism are actually just ways to alleviate white guilt and are ultimately just a plea for erasure by shoring up the magnamity of whiteness. comfort of imagined future reconciliation contributes to violence and a will to amnesia. Only the relinquishing of the future and liberal values can allow us to engage. The registers of the confessions ….generosity, and compassion¶ of whiteness. The alternative is to endorse an archive of shadow feminism by refusing to recapture representations and knowledge of the subaltern. This idea, that intellectuals construct … inexorably¶ to fulfillment, recognition, and achievement. Corrective approaches fail: Any detritus of western knowledge must be rejected to delink the human from the creation of the non-human colonial other. As western scholars of privilege, this requires arguing for radical interventions. ¶ In this regard, Western imperial … have been subjected to injustices. | 1/4/14 |
Subalterity K MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 6 | Opponent: St Vincent De Paul MY | Judge: Christian Rodriguez More than a struggle to … promise of quotidian practical intimacy. White racialized identity hidden beneath democracy is the condition of possibility for US interventionism. The cultural fear based politics and consensus building based off of this whiteness is what fuels our messianism in other countries, making backlash and all their impacts inevitable. Martinot, 2003 American nationalism took a slightly … violently enforced allegiance to it. liberal reformist attempt to solve racism are actually just ways to alleviate white guilt and are ultimately just a plea for erasure by shoring up the magnamity of whiteness. comfort of imagined future reconciliation contributes to violence and a will to amnesia. Only the relinquishing of the future and liberal values can allow us to engage. The registers of the confessions … generosity, and compassion¶ of whiteness. Their engagement the Otherness is parasitic and consumptive, naturalizing academic colonialism and oppression The alternative is to endorse an archive of shadow feminism by refusing to recapture representations and knowledge of the subaltern. This idea, that intellectuals construct … to fulfillment, recognition, and achievement. | 10/30/13 |
T - E-Spec Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: Octas | Opponent: Rowland Hall KG | Judge: Misty Tippets, Chris Crowe, Kendra Doty Substantial, adjective¶ 2. having a firm … meaningful, or considerable; "substantial equivalents" Increase requires specification increase, v.¶ 3. To become greater … ; to grow or advance in. Engagement is a strategy that depends on positive incentives The term ‘engagement’ was popularized… the US has important disagreements. B. Violation – they don’t specify and therefore can’t be an engagement strategy – their use of the term is meaningless Sound target-state analysis provides … behavior toward the rogue state. | 1/21/14 |
T Gov-to-Gov Solely Economic Substantially USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 1 | Opponent: Notre Dame LP | Judge: Mike Shackleford and Bill Smelko Economic engagement—a policy of … more widespread than previously recognized. Introduction Economic engagement policies are …. others in the same direction. Substantially means to a large degree N.D.Ill. 2002. Under ADA, “substantially” … or to a large degree. | 11/3/13 |
T Material Trade Gov-to-Gov UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: Octas | Opponent: Wayzata NG | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin, Ross Garrett, Christian Bato Architects of engagement strategies have… strategies in the upcoming decades. The Creators of Trade Transparency Units conclude the plan shares data, and is distinct from economic engagement. It also involves non governmental parties which is unpredictable and an independent reason to reject them. ICE established the Trade Transparency … crime, including international organized crime. | 2/4/14 |
T Solely Economic Gov To Gov ASU Round 3Tournament: ASU | Round: 3 | Opponent: Head Royce TP | Judge: Connor Woodruff Economic engagement—a policy of … more widespread than previously recognized. Economic engagement policies are strategic… others in the same direction. N.D.Ill. 2002. Under ADA, “substantially” … or to a large degree. | 1/10/14 |
T Solely Economic Gov to Gov ASU round 2Tournament: ASU | Round: 2 | Opponent: Peak to Peak HJ | Judge: Pierce Young Economic engagement—a policy of … more widespread than previously recognized. Economic engagement policies are strategic … others in the same direction. | 1/10/14 |
T Solely Economic NDCA Round 5Tournament: NDCA | Round: 5 | Opponent: CPS HJ | Judge: Andrew Arsht Scholars have limited the concept of engagement in a third way by unnecessarily restricting the scope of the policy. In their evaluation of post-Cold War US engagement of China, Paul Papayoanou and Scott Kastner define engagement as the attempt to integrate a target country into the international order through promoting "increased trade and financial transactions."(n21) However, limiting engagement policy to the increasing of economic interdependence leaves out many other issue areas that were an integral part of the Clinton administration's China policy, including those in the diplomatic, military and cultural arenas. Similarly, the US engagement of North Korea, as epitomized by the 1994 Agreed Framework pact, promises eventual normalization of economic relations and the gradual normalization of diplomatic relations.(n22) Equating engagement with economic contacts alone risks neglecting the importance and potential effectiveness of contacts in noneconomic issue areas. Finally, current U.S. policy ignores recent developments ¶ that have the potential to redefine relations with Cuba. The ¶ sanctions-based policy has significantly impeded the United ¶ States' ability to influence the direction of policy in Cuba or ¶ gain a broader understanding of events taking place on the ¶ island. By directing policy towards an unlikely scenario of a ¶ short-term democratic transition on the island and rejecting ¶ most tools of diplomatic engagement, the U.S. is left as a ¶ powerless bystander, watching events unfold at a distance. | 4/25/14 |
T Soley Economic GonzagaTournament: Gonzaga | Round: 4 | Opponent: St Francis GR | Judge: Matt Filpi Introduction Economic engagement policies are … others in the same direction. in·crease in kr?ss Second Violation, The plan increases NON-economic ties with Mexico. Architects of engagement strategies have … strategies in the upcoming decades. | 1/4/14 |
T- Gov-to-Gov MeadowsTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 2 | Opponent: Palos Verde Peninsula SW | Judge: Kendra Doty Economic engagement—a policy of … more widespread than previously recognized. | 12/5/13 |
T- Gov-to-Gov vs Carrollton GR USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 7 | Opponent: Carrollton GR | Judge: Clara Purk and Jon Williamson Economic engagement—a policy … more widespread than previously recognized. “its” means belonging to something already mentioned determiner¶ belonging to or associated .. baby in its mother’s womb | 12/5/13 |
T- Only Economic MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 6 | Opponent: St Vincent De Paul MY | Judge: Christian Rodriguez Scholars have limited the concept … multiple types of positive sanctions | 10/30/13 |
T- Solely Economic Gov-to-Gov Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 4 | Opponent: Rowland Hall RW | Judge: Ideen Saiedian Introduction¶ Economic engagement policies are … others in the same direction. Economic engagement is the expansion of state-to-state ties Economic engagement—a policy … more widespread than previously recognized. | 12/5/13 |
T- Solely Economic USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harker KM | Judge: Andres Gannon and Tom Woodhead Introduction Economic engagement policies are strategic .. others in the same direction. Scholars have limited the concept .. multiple types of positive sanctions | 12/5/13 |
T- Structural Linkage MeadowsTournament: Meadows | Round: 2 | Opponent: Gulliver Prep RM | Judge: Kendra Doty The basic causal logic of …. political change to¶ foreign policy accommodation. This linkage must be the promotion of trade This policy is accompanied by an … whom political elites must respond.50 | 10/28/13 |
Tabloid Geopolitics K UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: 3 | Opponent: Damien ML | Judge: Stephen Weil For more than a decade now… a new imperative global mission. American Tabloid Punditry and the Relentless … , abjected, and sometimes, eventually, killed. The way we understand international politics is oversimplified, giving the appearance that the affirmative plan is the only means of averting immanent catastrophe – Butler is on target when … of and about the other. | 2/4/14 |
Terror Talk K UNLVTournament: UNLV | Round: Octas | Opponent: Wayzata NG | Judge: Alyssa Lucas-Bolin, Ross Garrett, Christian Bato Following September 11, xenophobic discourses … those demanded by agricultural work. Their representations of the Middle East are rooted in binary systems of exclusion which culminate in violence against the Other who occupies the devalued position in this system. This marking of difference is … incapable of embracing cultural emancipation. that makes war a constant feature of civil society I have thus far discussed … foes are biological in nature. | 2/4/14 |
Victimization Turn ASUTournament: ASU | Round: 3 | Opponent: Head Royce TP | Judge: Connor Woodruff The definition of trafficking in … violations of their civil rights. | 1/10/14 |
Victimization Turn USC Round RobinTournament: USC Round Robin | Round: 1 | Opponent: Notre Dame LP | Judge: Mike Shackleford and Bill Smelko The definition of trafficking in … violations of their civil rights. Increased cooperation between the U.S. … military allies in the Caribbean. Vicitimization reinforces racist and sexist stereotypes Reliance on an iconic victim … entry to the United States.245 | 11/3/13 |
War on Terror Good NDCA Round 5Tournament: NDCA | Round: 5 | Opponent: CPS HJ | Judge: Andrew Arsht B. It sustains great power coalitions Coalition collapse causes World War Three – most probable scenario C. A violent war on terror is the only way to solve—nonviolent solutions empirically fail- means the aff can’t solve | 4/25/14 |
Warming Impact Turns Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 4 | Opponent: Rowland Hall RW | Judge: Ideen Saiedian Center for Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change in 2002 Last of all, Rosenfeld (2000… tend to cool the globe. AND, REMOVING AEROSOLS FROM THE ATMOSPHERE WOULD CAUSE A BURST OF WARMING – AEROSOLS ARE HOLDING BACK THE EFFECTS OF GREENHOUSE WARMING NEW SCIENTIST IN ‘04 As well as pumping gases .. albeit at a low probability. Uniqueness overwhelms the link- warming isn’t the problem neolib is Rather than focusing on global … consequences of accumulating greenhouse gases. | 12/5/13 |
Workers Rights QPQ CP Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 6 | Opponent: Damien LL | Judge: Scott Phillips
The reality, however, is quite .. better enforcement of labor rights. 1) Women are "overexploited" in their … the representation of the body. | 12/5/13 |
XO CP NDCA Round 5Tournament: NDCA | Round: 5 | Opponent: CPS HJ | Judge: Andrew Arsht The President has authority to remove Cuba from various ¶ terrorist lists in U.S. law. Under Section 40A of the Arms ¶ Export Control Act (P.L. 90-629; 22 U.S.C. 2781), the Secretary ¶ of State makes an annual determination listing those countries ¶ that are not cooperating fully with U.S. antiterrorism efforts. ¶ Being on the list prohibits the export of defense articles and ¶ defense services, but the President may waive the sanction if ¶ he determines that the transaction is important to the national ¶ interests of the United States. Cuba was added to the State ¶ Department's list of states sponsoring international terrorism ¶ in 1982 pursuant to Section 6(j) of the Export Administration ¶ Act (P.L. 96-72). Exports of dual-use good and services require ¶ a license to any country identified as a state supporter of ¶ terrorism. Being listed under Section 6(j) also triggers other ¶ laws that limit economic transactions. Pursuant to provisions ¶ in the Act, the President may remove a country from the list in ¶ two ways. The first option is to submit a report to Congress ¶ certifying, before the removal would take effect, that: (1) ¶ there has been a fundamental change in the leadership and ¶ policies of the government; (2) the government is not ¶ supporting acts of international terrorism; and (3) the ¶ government has provided assurances that it will not support ¶ acts of international terrorism in the future. The second ¶ option is to submit a report at least 45 days before the ¶ removal of the country from the list certifying that: (1) the ¶ government has not provided any support for international ¶ terrorism during the preceding six-month period, and (2) that ¶ the government has provided assurances that it will not support ¶ acts of international terrorism in the future. | 4/25/14 |
You Guys DA Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 2 | Opponent: Palos Verde Peninsula SW | Judge: Kendra Doty These ego wars (or as … for the world at large. Female debaters are caught in a doublebind in terms of presentation Ragins (1995) defines behavioral level … teams are the least successful. The difficulties facing women are .. gender-exclusive language in debate. | 12/5/13 |
Filename | Date | Uploaded By | Delete |
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10/28/13 | caitlinp96@gmailcom | ||
10/28/13 | caitlinp96@gmailcom | ||
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11/3/13 | caitlinp96@gmailcom |
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