General Actions:
Tournament | Round | Opponent | Judge | Cites | Round Report | Open Source | Edit/Delete |
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Alta | 2 | Not really sure | Hendricks, Jordan |
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Alta | 7 | Roho KG | Montreuil,Paul |
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Glenbrooks | 5 | Niles West NP | Arjun V |
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Long Beach | 1 | Edison | Chris Patterson |
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Long Beach | 4 | La Costa Canyon | Richard Idriss |
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Meadows | 1 | Gulliver | Richard Idriss |
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Meadows | 4 | Hamilton | Zampietro Paula |
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NDCA | Doubles | Bishop Guertin SZ |
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Notre Dame | 3 | Harker | Scott Phillips |
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Notre Dame | 6 | Bingham NS | Ward, Cameron |
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St Marks | 1 | Reagan | Christopher Thomas |
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St Marks | 3 | Niles North | Stephen Weil |
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TOC | 3 | Niles West CK | Ruffin |
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Tournament | Round | Report |
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Alta | 2 | Opponent: Not really sure | Judge: Hendricks, Jordan 1NC T Some da some case stuff |
Alta | 7 | Opponent: Roho KG | Judge: Montreuil,Paul 1AC- heterotopia |
Glenbrooks | 5 | Opponent: Niles West NP | Judge: Arjun V 1NC- Appeasement Politics Sudan CP QPQ CP Topicality |
Long Beach | 1 | Opponent: Edison | Judge: Chris Patterson 1AC- terror list |
Long Beach | 4 | Opponent: La Costa Canyon | Judge: Richard Idriss 1NC- Heg K Politics T |
Meadows | 1 | Opponent: Gulliver | Judge: Richard Idriss 1NC- T Conditions CP some K case stuff disad |
Meadows | 4 | Opponent: Hamilton | Judge: Zampietro Paula 1NC- Kappeler T Politics |
NDCA | Doubles | Opponent: Bishop Guertin SZ | Judge: 1AC-Double Translation |
Notre Dame | 3 | Opponent: Harker | Judge: Scott Phillips 1NC- T some weird K Immigration Reform |
Notre Dame | 6 | Opponent: Bingham NS | Judge: Ward, Cameron 1NC Cap Iran DA XO |
St Marks | 1 | Opponent: Reagan | Judge: Christopher Thomas !NC |
St Marks | 3 | Opponent: Niles North | Judge: Stephen Weil 1NC- XO Conditions Alan Gross XO pic out of sanctions Poltiics Imperailism Good Heg Good T- sanctions |
TOC | 3 | Opponent: Niles West CK | Judge: Ruffin 2NR- interlocality |
To modify or delete round reports, edit the associated round.
Entry | Date |
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1AC DOTATournament: TOC | Round: 3 | Opponent: Niles West CK | Judge: Ruffin Allegory 2 – Juan of the Dead: A review of a film released at the Toronto Film Festival in 2011 Allegory 3 – Animal Farm Nos anciens disaient bien que la mort n’est qu’un pont jeté entre les Our ancestors used to say that death is nothing but a bridge between —Traversée de la Mangrove by Maryse Condé 1 The method is explicated In Maryse Condé’s novel, Crossing the Mangrove. Numerous characters gather at the wake of the writer Francis Sancher to reflect upon and interpret his life and writings. They each produce authoritative narrative interpretations which contradict the equally authoritative interpretations of the other characters. This demonstrates the problem post-colonial context imposes on interpretations and allegories – they presuppose a shared set of cultural and historical referents among readers. The moment of the author’s wake is essential to allow these contradictions to emerge in their fullness and to confront each other. Hegemony of interpretation is a reactionary gesture which poisons sensibilities and depletes the world. | 4/27/14 |
1AC Double TranslationTournament: NDCA | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Bishop Guertin SZ | Judge: Empathic Solidarity is the best way to break with the hypocritical and unethical consequentialism of the status quo. We must open ourselves to the standpoint of the other in order to break free of the annihilating logic of modernity/coloniality. | 4/25/14 |
1AC HeterotopiaTournament: Alta | Round: 2 | Opponent: Not really sure | Judge: Hendricks, Jordan Contention One is On the Border Borders exist wherever two or more cultures edge each other - they are experienced as social and physical barriers which advance a multitude of conflictual power relations The psychological borderlands, … we will further see. Despite the innate fluidity of the US-Mexico borderlands, the distinction between “inside” and “outside” the border remains ethically and culturally pervasive. Discourses of emergency are used to delegitimize multiculturalism and sanction the massacre of illegal migrants. This obsession with the border creates a reflexive surveillance state where the body politic must systematically purge itself of all racial impurity in order to function smoothly The biopolitical valuation of populations legitimizes all genocide and war Contention Two is Meztisa Consciousness The US-Mexico border must be understood as a ‘heterotopia’ rather than a ‘topia,’ as a non-place rather than a place. In contrast to the Euclidian paradigm of symmetry and closure, the geometry of the borderlands is marked by fractal growth and fractal decay, by disarray and gradiation. This ambiguity cannot be explained away by a single historical narrative, but must be preserved through the continuous telling and retelling of diverse cultural pasts. Therefore, rather than simply condemning borders or embracing them, we propose the 1AC as a site for rethinking prevailing notions of territoriality and carving space for future inquiry. The question should not be whether the US-Mexico border is good or bad, but whether a specific conceptualization of the border is constructive or destructive in the context of global justice. Thus, we advocate Mestiza consciousness: a dynamic epistemic strategy that weaves between all boundaries, dichotomies, and absolutes in order to create real political and social change. Through the development of “la facultad” – a faculty for seamlessly traversing between various systems identity and belonging – we can acquire the tools to defy coloniality and forge a more open structure of social relations. And, contextualizing this method to the US-Mexico Border is uniquely important Lastly, we do not deny our own social location or privilege, but rather embrace the particularity of our own epistemic experience as a starting point for emancipatory coalition building. Mestiza is not an ethnicity but a state of mind, and no other state of mind provides a better theoretical lens through which to view the border. | 12/5/13 |
1AC Terror ListTournament: Long Beach | Round: 1 | Opponent: Edison | Judge: Chris Patterson Bolender 13 On an emotional level, Havana has long drawn attention to the double standard that Jackson 6 Political Bias A related problem for the and#34;terrorist sanctuaries? discourse is that it Jackson 7 An analysis of the terrorism studies field reveals a number of methodological, theoretical and Kauzlarich et al. 2 Propositions about the victimology of state crime can be developed from this review to help Mendieta 7 In Dussel’s works from the seventies, then, Western thought is seen as the Stehn 11 Then and now, U.S.-American pragmatism is an emancipatory philosophical¶ Jackson 9 In contrast to first-order critique, second-order critique involves the adoption Jackson 8 Much more significantly however, terrorism is not a causally coherent, free-standing | 10/4/13 |
2ACTournament: Long Beach | Round: 4 | Opponent: La Costa Canyon | Judge: Richard Idriss Josie Huang is a reporter and producer for KPCCand#39;s Take Two show.September 17, 2013, “With Syria tensions easing, will immigration reform pass this year?,” SCPR, Southern California Public Radio, http://www.scpr.org/blogs/multiamerican/2013/09/17/14754/with-syria-tensions-easing-will-immigration-reform/ When tensions were running high last week, some activists feared the Syrian conflict would Michael Lind is policy director of the New America Foundation’s Economic Growth Program and a columnist at Salon. He is author of Land of Promise: An Economic History of the United States, September 18, 2013, “Three defeats on home turf,” The Policy Network, http://www.policy-network.net/pno_detail.aspx?ID=4461andtitle=Three-defeats-on-home-turf Barack Obama has unusually depleted political capital as he goes into contentious debt ceiling negotiations with Republicans later this year http://www.state.gov/j/ct/rls/crt/ U.S. law requires the Secretary of State to provide Congress National Journal chief correspondent, citing various political scientists Michael, former Newsweek senior correspondent, and#34;There’s No Such Thing as Political Capital,and#34; National Journal, 2-9-13, www.nationaljournal.com/magazine/there-s-no-such-thing-as-political-capital-20130207 The idea of political capital—or mandates, or momentum—is so poorly defined that presidents and Richard, Professor in the Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation at the University of Warwick, CSGR Working Paper No. 124/03, September, “American Unilateralism, Foreign Economic Policy and the ‘Securitisation’ of Globalisation,” http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1997/1/WRAP_Higgott_wp12403.pdf The ascendancy of the unilateral idealists and the securitisation of US globalisation policies— | 10/4/13 |
2AC AlterityTournament: Alta | Round: 7 | Opponent: Roho KG | Judge: Montreuil,Paul We don’t bring things- Advocating a Mestiza consciousness is key- it is recognizes that all cultures are different but finds intersections to fight ways that we categorize them. Our state mind puts them on the same level. Turn-their rhetoric of a dichotomous relationship between viewer and participant where they perform the purified form of oppressed alterity and we represent the purely objective, universalizing, institutionalizing gaze of privilege serves to sanitize them of any culpability in colonizing logic and lock us in to the same totalizing role of Evil Other which must be either saved or destroyed they wish to criticize. The overly reductive nature of their link arguments reproduces the very colonial/modern logic both teams wish to resist. | 12/7/13 |
2AC DecolonialityTournament: St Marks | Round: 1 | Opponent: Reagan | Judge: Christopher Thomas The US government shutdown … in the new fiscal year beginning Oct. 1. US Credibility killed by Syria 2AC Decoloniality The argument I'm working on builds on the distinction already mentioned¶ above, made by the Chilean neurophysiolist and philosopher Humberto¶ Maturana, between "objectivity without parentheses" and "objectivity in parentheses:' …the project of plurinational states inscribed in the Constitution of Bolivia¶ and Ecuador. If you start from here and then look at Schmitt's pluriverse¶ you will become aware of the regional and limited scope of liberal political¶ pluralism." | 10/18/13 |
2AC FWTournament: Alta | Round: 2 | Opponent: Not really sure | Judge: Hendricks, Jordan
Living in a frontier that runs through your tongue, religion, music, dress, food, architecture, appearance, and life and that manifests itself in multiple ontologies calls for the acquisition of new survival habits… Life in the chaos of heterotopia is a perpetual act of self-definition gradually deterritorializing the individual. The individual becomes an ambiguity. And, the perm solves best: static and inflexible boundaries are the enemy of creative transformation. The coexistence of seemingly incompatible cultural paradigms is the only path towards authentic dialogical engagement. 5. We meet – we occupy the space between legality and illegality within the resolution. If their interpretation is the border, we are the borderlands. 8. Only our education is unique to debate- they can become informed policymakers by watching the TV, only debate allows for a dialogue between radically distinct perspectives –confrontation with otherness is valuable about switch side debate. 9. Default to reasonability - even if we aren’t a topical discussion, we are a discussion of the topic. Competing interpretations leads to a race to the bottom and excludes areas of aff ground that are intrinsic to the literature base but not the wording of the resolution. | 12/5/13 |
2AC KappelerTournament: Meadows | Round: 4 | Opponent: Hamilton | Judge: Zampietro Paula But it is a very deceptive … muddling-through theories. Perm – double bind - either the state isn’t effective or worth their time of engaging in and they don’t sole any of the affirmative, which is predicated off of engaging the state terror list. Or their individual action is capable of engaging the state and the permutation is the most effective strategy. Neo-liberalism has … possibility of democracy itself. 7. Perm: our plan is an appeal by two individuals upon the united states federal govt which stands in solidarity with the movement against state sponsored terrorism. 8. A) The localization of politics falls back into the trap of sovereignty and globalization from above This theme of … the first place. b) globalization, when harnessed with international communities of resistance, erodes the sovereign perogative of the most barbaric wars in history The optimistic view … theorize transnational democracy. | 10/25/13 |
2AC Mexico DisneylandTournament: Alta | Round: 7 | Opponent: Roho KG | Judge: Montreuil,Paul Perm do both Tying the culture of ethnography with other social movements allows us to build new perspectives allowing us to better interrogate the structures of power Link Turn- Interrogating the borderlands is critical to prevent globalization from below Yet does the sort of … attraction of the postmodern carnival. | 12/7/13 |
2AC Round 1Tournament: Meadows | Round: 1 | Opponent: Gulliver | Judge: Richard Idriss | 10/25/13 |
2AC Round 3 Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 3 | Opponent: Harker | Judge: Scott Phillips The argument I'm working … liberal political¶ pluralism." We link turn it- Mendieat criticize human rights we accept difference with the other. We don’t try to integrate the other into our policies- only empathic solidarity solves 4 Attempting to “tear down the system” is little more than abstract and apolitical moralism and idealism. Transformation of the state is the best 2AC PTX CIR The U. S. military … by that same core of supplier states. Chinese threat construction assumes a knowable and essentially violent Chinese Other—this Western lens makes militarization and conflict inevitable. Having examined… mission (Islam is rather vague, and Iran lacks necessary weights)." (56) Extend Kauzlarich, their impact scenarios employ a bankrupt form of consequentialism where they justify interventionist policies and prioritize national security. Such consequentialism allows the US to paper over the harms of its policies because policy makers conclude that they are ethical, moral, and doing the greatest good even those policies involve violence. The impact is ongoing state terror that has been responsible for 200 million deaths in the twentieth century alone. 3 No link country Reports on Terrorism only released once a year in April | 11/2/13 |
2AC Round 5 GlenbrooksTournament: Glenbrooks | Round: 5 | Opponent: Niles West NP | Judge: Arjun V Key US Senate Republican Mark Kirk slammed the White House's push to delay new sanctions against Iran … the difficult sales job the Democratic president has as he pursues a rapprochement with Tehran. The US foreign policy approach has been that of appeasement not a hardline stance The tone ...misguided and counterproductive. Middle east security representations make military intervention inevitable One of the central arguments … security they are rooted in. Hegemony is a drive to order and control that can never be fulfilled – conflict is inevitable because new threats must be created to justify its continuation, resulting in extermination and the very impacts they claim to solve The end of the cold war … more likely it is to believe and enact the neocon story. CP
Only two senators support it they are racist CP
Reject plan-contingent counterplans: hypergeneric process args distort the topic, hurting depth and clash over core controversies. Debatability trumps “literature” — no enforceable standard for solvency evidence. Disads sufficient to “test” unconditional engagement. Their political demand for _(rights etc) creates zones of indistinction where political distinctions lose their clarity and take a back seat to the biological concerns of populations. The result is the most extreme forms of racist facism. (Also in Democracy Links) Conditional ethics and morality are voting issues, the ethics of the affirmative are unconditional—allowing fear based utilitarian politics to determine the course of our ethics is a process of social separation that culminates in Otherization and the conditions necessary for the Holocaust. DA With the Senate leaving … Agriculture Chairman Frank Lucas said in an interview this week. Congress is getting ready … to choose between food and rent." Democrats in … or broad budget deal. “This is an … to anyone who wants it. 3 No link country Reports on Terrorism only released once a year in April No extinction from ag collapse | 11/24/13 |
2AC Round 6 Notre DameTournament: Notre Dame | Round: 6 | Opponent: Bingham NS | Judge: Ward, Cameron This tells us ... dysfunctional or chaotic. AT Util and Consequentalism AT Extinction first Three primary concerns ... to build translocal alliances. 2AC Cap The argument I'm w... liberal political¶ pluralism." The resultant political ...“form” or position on metaphysics. Their Lukacs author qualifications is Western Marxism 6 Turn- Your reading of Marx is not only inappropriate in explaining the history of Latin American colonialism and completely WRONG in assuming his method to be one of dialectics, but it ultimately strips out the uniquely ethical and radical elements of Marx’s philosophy. Notwithstanding the shift ... creativity of the living¶ corporeality of the worker. 8 And Their Alternative Fails- Turn- Attempting to “tear down the system” and build something completely new is little more than abstract and apolitical moralism and idealism. The best way to change the world is via transformation of existing democratic institutions. 2AC Process Theory
Resolve: “To form a purpose; to make a decision; especially, to determine after reflection; as, to resolve on a better course of life.” Some legal experts counsel Congress to be careful not to usurp legitimate presidential power. One expert urging caution is Douglas Cox, a lawyer who was deputy assistant attorney general in the Office of Legal Counsel at the Justice Department during the Bush Administration. "When a President overreaches and uses executive orders to invade or supersede the legislative powers of Congress, Congress may be sufficiently provoked to consider an across-the-board approach to rein in those abuses," he told the House Rules subcommittee. "Although that reaction is understandable, Congress must be careful to understand the Extent to which executive orders are a necessary adjunct of the President's constitutional duties," Cox added. "At all times, Congress has ample legislative and political means to respond to abusive or lawless executive orders, and thus Congress should resist the temptation to pursue more sweeping, more draconian, and more questionable responses." A part of the strategic environment surrounding executive orders is what Congress is likely to do in response. As Warber sees it, Congress has two options: apply verbal pressure or pass legislation “to nullify or reform existing executive orders” (p.108). While Congress has these two options, the data show that “Congress devotes a small portion of its time debating executive orders” (p.114) and “has been relatively inactive in reforming and eliminating specific executive orders issued by presidents who served between the Kennedy and George H. W. Bush administrations” (p.120). Warber concludes with a cursory examination of President George W. Bush’s use of executive orders and some thoughts on where future research should go. While his political opponents and some members of the media criticize President Bush for his penchant for acting unilaterally (in both domestic and foreign affairs), expanding the powers of the presidency, and sometimes bypassing the expertise found in Congress, “the results demonstrate that Bush has not significantly departed from previous presidents regarding the types and quantity of executive orders that he issued during his first term” (p.124). However, what has been different under President Bush is his willingness to change existing public policy by revoking, superseding, or amending executive orders made by previous presidents. Yearly averages show President Bush to be second only to President Carter in revising inherited executive orders. A key finding of this book is that “presidents have not dramatically expanded their power with executive orders across the modern presidency” (p.128). Though Warber does not have the specific answers as to why presidents have not increased their use of executive orders over time, he speculates the stasis in presidential directives to a number of *437 factors, one being the continued existence of separation of powers—specifically Congress’s ability to pass legislation to revoke or revise executive orders and the federal courts’ authority to decide upon their constitutionality 10 Counterplan doesn’t solve policy failure, the performance of the 1AC represents human agency, which is important because practice shapes reality and the future of our policy making decisions in other parts of the world. That's Bilgin. AT Internal NB Hegemony is a drive to order and control that can never be fulfilled – conflict is inevitable because new threats must be created to justify its continuation, resulting in extermination and the very impacts they claim to solve The end of the cold war spawned a tempting fantasy of imperial omnipotence on a global scale. The neocons want to turn that fantasy into reality. But reality will not conform to the fantasy; it won’t stand still or keep any semblance of permanent order. So the neocons’ efforts inevitably backfire. Political scientist Benjamin Barber explains that a nation with unprecedented power has “unprecedented vulnerability: for it must repeatedly extend the compass of its power to preserve what it already has, and so is almost by definition always overextended.” Gary Dorrien sees insecurity coming at the neoconservatives in another way, too: “For the empire, every conflict is a local concern that threatens its control. However secure it may be, it never feels secure enough. The neocon unipolarists had an advanced case of this anxiety. . . . Just below the surface of the customary claim to toughness lurked persistent anxiety. This anxiety was inherent in the problem of empire and, in the case of the neocons, heightened by ideological ardor.”39 If the U.S. must control every event everywhere, as neocons assume, every act of resistance looks like a threat to the very existence of the nation. There is no good way to distinguish between nations or forces that genuinely oppose U.S. interests and those that don’t. Indeed, change of any kind, in any nation, becomes a potential threat. Everyone begins to look like a threatening monster that might have to be destroyed. It’s no surprise that a nation imagined as an implacable enemy often turns into a real enemy. When the U.S. intervenes to prevent change, it is likely to provoke resistance. Faced with an aggressive U.S. stance, any nation might get tough in return. Of course, the U.S. can say that it is selflessly trying to serve the world. But why would other nations believe that? It is more likely that others will resist, making hegemony harder to achieve. To the neocons, though, resistance only proves that the enemy really is a threat that must be destroyed. So the likelihood of conflict grows, making everyone less secure. Moreover, the neocons want to do it all in the public spotlight. In the past, any nation that set out to conquer others usually kept its plans largely secret. Indeed, the cold war neocons regularly blasted the Soviets for harboring a “secret plan” for world conquest. Now here they are calling on the U.S. to blare out its own domineering intentions for all the world to end page 53 hear. That hardly seems well calculated to achieve the goal of hegemony. But it is calculated to foster the assertive, even swaggering, mood on the home front that the neocons long for. Journalist Ron Suskind has noted that neocons always offer “a statement of enveloping peril and no hypothesis for any real solution.” They have no hope of finding a real solution because they have no reason to look for one. Their story allows for success only as a fantasy. In reality, they expect to find nothing but an endless battle against an enemy that can never be defeated. At least two prominent neocons have said it quite bluntly. Kenneth Adelman: “We should not try to convince people that things are getting better.” Michael Ledeen: “The struggle against evil is going to go on forever.”40 This vision of endless conflict is not a conclusion drawn from observing reality. It is both the premise and the goal of the neocons’ fantasy. Ultimately, it seems, endless resistance is what they really want. Their call for a unipolar world ensures a permanent state of conflict, so that the U.S. can go on forever proving its military supremacy and promoting the “manly virtues” of militarism. They have to admit that the U.S., with its vastly incomparable power, already has unprecedented security against any foreign army. So they must sound the alarm about a shadowy new kind of enemy, one that can attack in novel, unexpected ways. They must make distant changes appear as huge imminent threats to America, make the implausible seem plausible, and thus find new monsters to destroy. The neocons’ story does not allow for a final triumph of order because it is not really about creating a politically calm, orderly world. It is about creating a society full of virtuous people who are willing and able to fight off the threatening forces of social chaos. Having superior power is less important than proving superior power. That always requires an enemy. Just as neocons need monsters abroad, they need a frightened society at home. Only insecurity can justify their shrill call for a stronger nation (and a higher military budget). The more dire their warnings of insecurity, the more they can demand greater military strength and moral resolve. Every foreign enemy is, above all, another occasion to prod the American people to overcome their anxiety, identify evil, fight resolutely against it, and stand strong in defense of their highest values. Hegemony will do no good unless there is challenge to be met, weakness to be conquered, evil to be overcome. The American people must actively seek hegemony and make sacrifices for it, to show that they are striving to overcome their own weakness. So the quest for strength still demands a public confession of weakness, just as the neocons had demanded two decades earlier when they warned of a Soviet nuclear attack through a “window of vulnerability.” The quest for strength through the structures of national security still demands a public declaration of national insecurity. Otherwise, there is nothing to overcome. The more frightened the public, the more likely it is to believe and enact the neocon story. Chinese threat construction assumes a knowable and essentially violent Chinese Other—this Western lens makes militarization and conflict inevitable. Having examined how the "China threat" literature is enabled by and serves the purpose of a particular U.S. self-construction, I want to turn now to the issue of how this literature represents a discursive construction of other, instead of an "objective" account of Chinese reality. This, I argue, has less to do with its portrayal of China as a threat per se than with its essentialization and totalization of China as an externally knowable object, independent of historically contingent contexts or dynamic international interactions. Iran Sanctions DA The U. S. military appears to have been central in the construction of a new category of threat, the rogue state governed by an outlaw regime. The timing of that construction was unfortunate for Iraq. As has been widely reported, U. S. Ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie met the Iraqi leadership a few days before the invasion of Kuwait. The message of that meeting seems to have been that the United States was not overly concerned with Iraq's border dispute with Kuwait. Even if the meeting could not be read as a tacit approval of the invasion (and it is not impossible to read it that way), it did not indicate the sort of response the United States mounted after 2 August. http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=oandd=105847254The problem is that the Rogue Doctrine was a construction of the military and had not yet been formally announced. It is reasonable to assume that a diplomat in a relatively minor posting would not be aware of the reworking of U. S. military doctrine the president was about to announce. There is, of course, a much more cynical interpretation of these events, which would argue that the United States sought a convenient illustration of its newfound enemy. Either way, in July 1990 there were no rogue states because the category had not been articulated. In July 1990, as Glaspie met Hussein, Iraq was a regional power that had been employed by both superpowers during the Cold War and that had a not unreasonable grievance with one of its neighbors. On 2 August President Bush announced a new category, a new set of markers by which the identity of states could be interpreted. On 2 August Iraq acted in a fashion that fit this contemporaneously articulated set of markers. Other Iraqs, rogues, and outlaws are now the currency of the international discourse of proliferation that grew out of the Western response to the Gulf War. These are the labels, drawn from the debate in the United States, applied to states whose behavior causes serious concern to the Western powers in their supplier groups. What sort of labels are they? What lines of difference do these labels establish? To answer these questions, we can look at rogues and outlaws as metaphors that link the proliferation image to other, more widespread discourses and discover the entailments they draw from these discourses. Rogues and outlaws are used similarly in everyday language. A rogue is defined by the Oxford English Dictionary as: “1. One belonging to a class of idle vagrants or vagabonds. … 2. A dishonest, unprincipled person; a rascal. … 5. An elephant driven away, or living apart from, the herd and of a savage or destructive disposition. ” Similarly, an outlaw is “one put outside the law and deprived of its benefits and protection. … More vaguely: One banished or proscribed; an exile, a fugitive. ” Both rogues and outlaws are used in everyday language to identify criminals, although generally not the worst and most hardened criminals. Indeed, a certain romanticism is attached to both the rogue and the outlaw. The rogue is one who steps outside the limits of acceptable behavior but in a way that tends to be appealing to those who do not dare to commit such transgressions—thus, for example, the definition of rogue as rascal. Similarly, the outlaw is a common figure in U. S. romantic Western literature. Outlaws roamed the frontiers of the central United States, at once dangerous and admired for the rugged individualism they portrayed. Little of this romanticism seems to remain in the use of rogues in official discourse, however. U. S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher did not seem to admire the rugged individualism of potential rogues, for instance, when he told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that “nuclear weapons give rogue states disproportionate power, destabilize entire regions, and threaten human and environmental disasters. They can turn local conflicts into serious threats to our security. In this era, weapons of mass destruction are more readily available—and there are fewer inhibitions on their use. ” Nevertheless, the use of rogue carries with it marked condescension. Rogues are, as often as not, young men, indeed even little boys, who are acting naughtily—in the former case often in a sexual manner. One of the many ironies that emerge in stories of proliferation is that at the same time the primary international rogue, Iraq, was under intense U. S. pressure because of its refusal to allow UNSCOM unfettered access to its presidential palaces, the U. S. president was being labeled a rogue for reports that he had perhaps allowed too much access to presidential parts. “Some of the President's intimates note his remarkable ability to compartmentalize his life: The policy wonk who genuinely admires his wife resides in one space; the rogue who risks political standing through personal indiscretion occupies another. ” 40 Put another way, the mature adult resides on the one side and the rather indiscreet little boy on the other. The use of rogue to label states behaving in ways deemed unacceptable identifies those states as immature compared with the mature states doing the labeling—foremost among these the United States. Such an entailment fits well with the practices established for proliferation control. The mature elders gather together to determine which states are sufficiently responsible to be trusted with advanced technologies and military equipment—indeed, the practice smacks of Star Trek's Prime Directive. This notion of maturity is then reflected in academic commentary on contemporary security, as Charles Krauthammer's characterization of the weapon state threat illustrates: “relatively small, peripheral and backward states will be able to emerge rapidly as threats not only to regional, but to world, security. ” Similarly, a repeated concern in the literature has been that new nuclear states would lack the maturity to control their weapons adequately, unlike the old nuclear states. Perhaps the most interesting definition of rogue and outlaw is the one they share: both terms are used to describe members of a community expelled from that community or no longer living within the constraints of communal life. In medieval Europe the outlaw was outcast, placed beyond the protection the law provided as punishment. Later, the outlaw in the mythology of the American West fled from life within the community to escape the (often rough) justice of the frontier. Similarly, the rogue animal is one that has been forced from the herd or that for some reason has left the herd. Evoking these terms in the proliferation discourse clearly marks the logic of identity and difference, of inside and outside, which were evident in the practices examined earlier. For there to be rogues and outlaws there must also be a larger, settled community whose rules the outlaws refuse to follow. It would seem that the U. S. military's concern with defending its budget following the Cold War threw up a powerful new marker of identity/difference for the contemporary practice of international security. The idea of the rogue state has achieved wide currency in popular discussion of international affairs. Klare cites a U. S. Congress study to the effect that in major newspapers and journals, the use of rogue nation, rogue state, and rogue regime increased more than 1,500 percent between 1990 and 1993. The label originally devised to categorize potential military opponents was quickly drawn into the construction of the new proliferation control agenda following the Gulf War, as Iraq was identified as the first of the rogues. The notion of the rogue state provides agency in an image of an international security problem largely devoid of agency. The term is used to label states whose behavior causes serious concern to the members of the supplier groups, identifying them as outsiders, immature states unable or unwilling to follow the rules of civilized state action— rules policed by that same core of supplier states. If there is bipartisan over removing sanctions because sanctions are bad there should be no link to the affirmative because we remove sanctions No link country Reports on Terrorism only released once a year in April | 11/3/13 |
2AC ZupancicTournament: Alta | Round: 7 | Opponent: Roho KG | Judge: Montreuil,Paul Perm-“Epistemology in Parenthesis”- the 1AC in this debate ought best be viewed as defending an epistemology of objectivity. We reject the notion of an idealized objective stance and develop new conceptual frameworks. The argument I'm working on builds on the distinction already mentioned¶ above, made by the Chilean neurophysiolist and philosopher Humberto¶ …If you start from here and then look at Schmitt's pluriverse¶ you will become aware of the regional and limited scope of liberal political¶ pluralism." Tying the culture of ethnography with other social movements allows us to build new perspectives allowing us to better interrogate the structures of power The alternative leaves in place overarching societal structures that hurt civilains from American imperialism- only the geneology of the aff solves. More interesting, I think, is … engage with others rather than respond to them out of a soul-starved stinginess.52 | 12/7/13 |
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