Tournament: Pennsbury | Round: Octas | Opponent: Thomas Jefferson CG | Judge: Bleyle, Pinchuk, Hanratty
Stupid is  scientific terms that were used to identify people with lower IQs.
Clark and Marsh 2002 (Laurence and Steven, Stephen Marsh is a member of Arnold and Porter LLP's Litigation practice, Laurence Clark is a British stand-up comedian, writer, actor, presenter, and disability rights advocator, 2002, “Patriarchy in the UK: The Language of Disability”, http://www.leeds.ac.uk/disability-studies/archiveuk/Clark,20Laurence/language.pdf, accessed 6/27/12, JK)

‘Moron’ comes from Greek word ‘moros’ meaning: “foolish, stupid.”
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schedule!” (The Merchant of Venice, act II, scene 9).
Ableism is the root cause of several forms of domination--- sexism and racism are types of Ableism
Gregor Wolbring, Development, 2008, 51, (252–258) Associate Professor Community Rehabilitation and Disability Studies, Past President of Canadian Disability Studies Association and member of the board of the Society for Disability Studies (USA) http://secure.gvsu.edu/cms3/assets/3B8FF455-E590-0E6C-3ED0F895A6FBB287/the_politics_of_ableism.pdf
Sexism is partly driven by a form of ableism that favours certain abilities, and
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qualities are ‘abilities’ that make them fit for specific duties and occupations.

Tournament: Georgetown | Round: 5 | Opponent: Eastside MW | Judge:
Our conception of debate produces an agonistic politics – finding the hardest debate and trying to win is critical to personal growth.
Yovel, Assistant professor, Faculty of Law, and coordinator of the law and philosophy program, University of Haifa, Israel, in ‘3
Jonathan, Cardozo Law Review, January, 24 Cardozo L. Rev. 635
While reactive forces respond to their context and in this way are dictated by them
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the will to cast itself in the world, both natural and social.
2. Agonistic politics demands that ground be based on tradition. Otherwise our political community becomes meaningless
Arendt, The New School for Social Research, in ‘5
Hannah, The Promise of Politics, pg. 41-2
It lies in the nature of a tradition to be accepted and absorbed as it
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shallowness which spreads a veil of meaninglessness over all spheres of modern life.
3. Switch side debate breaks down the ideology and prevents the slide into totalitarianism.
Roberts-Miller, University of Texas, in ‘2
Patricia, “Fighting Without Hatred: Hannah  Arendt's Agonistic Rhetoric”, JAC, Vol. 22 No. 3
Arendt does not mean that group behavior is impossible in the realm of the social
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but not relativist, adversarial but not violent, independent but not expressivist rhetoric
5. Our understanding of politics can inspire compassion.
Porter, head of the School of International Studies at the University of South Australia, 2006 Elisabeth, "Can politics practice compassion?" Hypatia Sep, p project muse
As individuals, we have responsibilities beyond our personal connections to assist whenever it is
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be observant, and understand the implications of a failure to practice compassion.
And, especially in the context of policy debate.
Greene, Pf Rhetoric at Minnesota, in ‘05
(Ronald, Cultural Studies, Volume 19, Issue 1 January, pages 100 – 126)
Nearly forty years after the debating-both-sides controversy erupted in the mid
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, helping to secure the possibility of respecting pluralism without risking moral relativism.

Tournament: Georgetown | Round: 4 | Opponent: Lexington KL | Judge: Ezra Louvis
The struggle over the question of who counts as human is THE question of the debate—the system of colonialism instituted by European powers in the 15th and 16th centuries haunts the present in the form of coloniality—an epistemological structure that privileges the Western subject as the only legitimate expression of human knowledge.  The question of Latin American engagement can only be answered when we first unsettle the coloniality of knowledge and being that has demarcated the majority of the world as subhuman populations given over to death.
Wynter 03 (Sylvia, Professor of Romance Languages at Stanford University, “Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom
Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation—An Argument,” CR: The New Centennial Review, 3.3 (2003) 257-337, MUSE)
THE ARGUMENT PROPOSES THAT THE STRUGGLE OF OUR NEW MILLENNIUM WILL be one between the
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the other, African enslavement, Latin American conquest, and Asian subjugation.

The affirmative’s economic engagement with Latin America is just one more manifestation of 500 years of coloniality—the promise of prosperity, democracy, and security is a toxic fantasy that obscures the trail of dead reaching back through time.
Mignolo 05, (Walter, Duke University, “THE IDEA OF LATIN AMERICA”, 2005, 6/28/13|Ashwin)
The logic of coloniality can be understood as working through four wide domains of human
AND
the very idea of both “America” and “Latin” America..

Coloniality naturalizes a non-ethics of death and generalizes the condition of damnation—ongoing genocide, enslavement, rape, ecological destruction and unending war is produced by and reproduces colonial epistmeologies.
Maldonado-Torres 08 Nelson. “Against War : Views from the Underside of Modernity”¶ Durham, NC, USA: Duke University Press, 2008. p 215-217¶ http://site.ebrary.com/lib/utexas/Doc?id=10217191andppg=52

Dussel, Quijano, and Wynter lead us to the understanding that what happened in
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a world, ontology collapses into a Manicheanism, as Fanon suggested.72
The alternative is the DEATH OF THE AMERICAN MAN – this is an epistemological and semiotic struggle to deflate the enthno-class of Man
Maldonado Torres 05 Nelson, professor at Rutgers, “Decolonization and the New Identitarian Logics after September 11,” Radical Philosophy Review 8, n. 1 (2005): 35-67

Inspired by these Fanonian insights l have articulated elsewhere the idea of a weak utopian
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a nation-in-relation rather than as a continental being.71
And we must decolonize debate practice itself—Education based on Western epistemologies continue forms of colonial schooling designed to reproduce coloniality- from the “moral project” of educating and civilizing the Indians to teaching of social Darwinism in the Congo.  Decolonizing education requires not only an analysis of the knowledge, power, Eurocentrism, colonial history, and political economy inherent in educational activities like debate but also foregrounding the possibility of epistemic resistance.
Shahjahan 11 Riyad Ahmed, Assistant Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education (HALE) at Michigan State University. Ph.D. at the OISE/University of Toronto in Higher Education. “Decolonizing the evidence-based education and policy movement:¶ revealing the colonial vestiges in educational policy, research, and¶ neoliberal reform” Online publication date: 22 March 201, Journal of Education Policy, 26: 2,¶ 181 — 206 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2010.508176

Revisiting histories of colonial educational policy in schooling helps us contextualize¶ and demonstrate how
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decolonizing education¶ means in this era of neoliberal policies and transnational capital!

Tournament: Georgetown | Round: 1 | Opponent: Carrollton GT | Judge:
The struggle over the question of who counts as human is THE question of the debate—the system of colonialism instituted by European powers in the 15th and 16th centuries haunts the present in the form of coloniality—an epistemological structure that privileges the Western subject as the only legitimate expression of human knowledge.  The question of Latin American engagement can only be answered when we first unsettle the coloniality of knowledge and being that has demarcated the majority of the world as subhuman populations given over to death.
Wynter 03 (Sylvia, Professor of Romance Languages at Stanford University, “Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom
Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation—An Argument,” CR: The New Centennial Review, 3.3 (2003) 257-337, MUSE)
THE ARGUMENT PROPOSES THAT THE STRUGGLE OF OUR NEW MILLENNIUM WILL be one between the
AND
the other, African enslavement, Latin American conquest, and Asian subjugation.

The affirmative’s economic engagement with Latin America is just one more manifestation of 500 years of coloniality—the promise of prosperity, democracy, and security is a toxic fantasy that obscures the trail of dead reaching back through time.
Mignolo 05, (Walter, Duke University, “THE IDEA OF LATIN AMERICA”, 2005, 6/28/13|Ashwin)
The logic of coloniality can be understood as working through four wide domains of human
AND
the very idea of both “America” and “Latin” America..

Coloniality naturalizes a non-ethics of death and generalizes the condition of damnation—ongoing genocide, enslavement, rape, ecological destruction and unending war is produced by and reproduces colonial epistmeologies.
Maldonado-Torres 08 Nelson. “Against War : Views from the Underside of Modernity”¶ Durham, NC, USA: Duke University Press, 2008. p 215-217¶ http://site.ebrary.com/lib/utexas/Doc?id=10217191andppg=52

Dussel, Quijano, and Wynter lead us to the understanding that what happened in
AND
a world, ontology collapses into a Manicheanism, as Fanon suggested.72
The alternative is the DEATH OF THE AMERICAN MAN – this is an epistemological and semiotic struggle to deflate the enthno-class of Man
Maldonado Torres 05 Nelson, professor at Rutgers, “Decolonization and the New Identitarian Logics after September 11,” Radical Philosophy Review 8, n. 1 (2005): 35-67

Inspired by these Fanonian insights l have articulated elsewhere the idea of a weak utopian
AND
a nation-in-relation rather than as a continental being.71
And we must decolonize debate practice itself—Education based on Western epistemologies continue forms of colonial schooling designed to reproduce coloniality- from the “moral project” of educating and civilizing the Indians to teaching of social Darwinism in the Congo.  Decolonizing education requires not only an analysis of the knowledge, power, Eurocentrism, colonial history, and political economy inherent in educational activities like debate but also foregrounding the possibility of epistemic resistance.
Shahjahan 11 Riyad Ahmed, Assistant Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education (HALE) at Michigan State University. Ph.D. at the OISE/University of Toronto in Higher Education. “Decolonizing the evidence-based education and policy movement:¶ revealing the colonial vestiges in educational policy, research, and¶ neoliberal reform” Online publication date: 22 March 201, Journal of Education Policy, 26: 2,¶ 181 — 206 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2010.508176

Revisiting histories of colonial educational policy in schooling helps us contextualize¶ and demonstrate how
AND
decolonizing education¶ means in this era of neoliberal policies and transnational capital!

Tournament: GBX | Round: 1 | Opponent: West Des Mois Valley SD | Judge: Nick Burr

The K

The struggle over the question of who counts as human is THE question of the debate—the system of colonialism instituted by European powers in the 15th and 16th centuries haunts the present in the form of coloniality—an epistemological structure that privileges the Western subject as the only legitimate expression of human knowledge.  The question of Latin American engagement can only be answered when we first unsettle the coloniality of knowledge and being that has demarcated the majority of the world as subhuman populations given over to death.

Wynter 03 (Sylvia, Professor of Romance Languages at Stanford University, "Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom
Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation—An Argument," CR: The New Centennial Review, 3.3 (2003) 257-337, MUSE)
THE ARGUMENT PROPOSES THAT THE STRUGGLE OF OUR NEW MILLENNIUM WILL be one between the
AND
the other, African enslavement, Latin American conquest, and Asian subjugation.

The affirmative’s economic engagement with Latin America is just one more manifestation of 500 years of coloniality—the promise of prosperity, democracy, and security is a toxic fantasy that obscures the trail of dead reaching back through time.

Mignolo 05, (Walter, Duke University, "THE IDEA OF LATIN AMERICA", 2005, 6/28/13|Ashwin)
The logic of coloniality can be understood as working through four wide domains of human
AND
very idea of both "America" and "Latin" America..4ever

Inclusionary state practices are inherently violent – their plea to the state becomes fodder to expand the folds of empire, creating more exclusive lines of disposability

Agathangelou et al.  2008 (Anna M. Associate Professor in the Departments of Political Science and Women’s Studies at York University, Canada, M. Daniel Bassichis, and Tamara L. Spira, UC President’s Postdoctoral Fellow in Cultural Studies at UC Davis, "Intimate Investments:
Homonormativity, Global Lockdown and the Seductions of Empire," Radical History Review Issue 100 Winter 2008, http://www.makezine.enoughenough.org/intimateinvestments.pdf)

To (re)consolidate itself, empire requires and solicits the production of certain
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much of queer politics and longing from "Stonewall to the suburbs."19

Coloniality naturalizes a non-ethics of death and generalizes the condition of damnation—ongoing genocide, enslavement, rape, ecological destruction and unending war is produced by and reproduces colonial epistmeologies.

Maldonado-Torres 08 ~Nelson. "Against War : Views from the Underside of Modernity"¶ Durham, NC, USA: Duke University Press, 2008. p 215-217¶ http://site.ebrary.com/lib/utexas/Doc?id=10217191HYPERLINK "http://site.ebrary.com/lib/utexas/Doc?id=10217191andppg=52"26HYPERLINK "http://site.ebrary.com/lib/utexas/Doc?id=10217191andppg=52"ppg=52~

Dussel, Quijano, and Wynter lead us to the understanding that what happened in
AND
a world, ontology collapses into a Manicheanism, as Fanon suggested.72

The alternative is the DEATH OF THE AMERICAN MAN – this is an epistemological and semiotic struggle to deflate the enthno-class of Man

Maldonado Torres 05 ~Nelson, professor at Rutgers, "Decolonization and the New Identitarian Logics after September 11," Radical Philosophy Review 8, n. 1 (2005): 35-67~

Inspired by these Fanonian insights l have articulated elsewhere the idea of a weak utopian
AND
a nation-in-relation rather than as a continental being.71

And we must decolonize debate practice itself—Education based on Western epistemologies continue forms of colonial schooling designed to reproduce coloniality- from the "moral project" of educating and civilizing the Indians to teaching of social Darwinism in the Congo.  Decolonizing education requires not only an analysis of the knowledge, power, Eurocentrism, colonial history, and political economy inherent in educational activities like debate but also foregrounding the possibility of epistemic resistance.

Shahjahan 11 ~Riyad Ahmed, Assistant Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education (HALE) at Michigan State University. Ph.D. at the OISE/University of Toronto in Higher Education. "Decolonizing the evidence-based education and policy movement:¶ revealing the colonial vestiges in educational policy, research, and¶ neoliberal reform" Online publication date: 22 March 201, Journal of Education Policy, 26: 2,¶ 181 — 206 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2010.508176~~

Revisiting histories of colonial educational policy in schooling helps us contextualize¶ and demonstrate how evidence-based education, tied to high-stakes testing and¶ neoliberalism, reproduces past colonial ideologies with respect to developing colonized¶ labor. Throughout European colonialism, schooling was not only used to colonize¶ the minds to force cultural assimilation or acceptance of colonial rule, but also to¶ produce a reservoir of subservient labor that would harvest and mine commodities for¶ the imperial economy. For instance, in North America, colonial schooling ’introduced¶ the concept of forced labor as part of Indian education, transforming the ostensibly¶ "moral project" of civilizing Indians into a for-profit enterprise’ (Grande 2004, 13). In¶ boarding schools, part of the most important feature of the colonialist curriculum ’was¶ the inculcation of the industrial or "Protestant" work ethic’ (13). In the Belgian¶ Congo, Darwin’s scientific racism was the dominant discourse among Belgian colonizers,¶ and it influenced their colonial educational policy. For the Belgian government¶ and leaders of industry, the Congolese was to learn in school a work ethos that clearly¶ catered to the economic endeavor, and to mold the Congolese playfulness and laziness¶ into a life of ’progress,’ order and discipline (Seghers 2004, 465). In Hawaii, colonial¶ schools ’became less a means of religious conversion and more a site for socializing¶ Hawaiian and immigrant children for work on the plantation’ (Kaomea 2000, 322). In¶ Africa in general, Urch notes: The demand for skilled native labor by the white settlers and commercial leaders caused¶ the colonial administrators to reevaluate the educational program of the missions.¶ Education solely for proselytization was not considered sufficient to enable the colonies’¶ economy to expand. Government officials saw the need for an educational process that¶ would help to break down tribal solidarity and force the African into a money economy.¶ (1971, 252)¶ In short, colonial schooling played a significant role in disciplining the minds and¶ bodies of the colonized for imperial profit.¶ Interestingly, when it came to ’pillars of the curriculum,’ what was common¶ among many colonial environments, ’were religion and the legendary "3Rs"¶ ~Reading, (W)riting and "Rithmetic"~’ (Sjöström 2001, 79). These pillars of the¶ curriculum very much parallel, with a slight change, the curriculum that is tested via¶ PISA and TIMSS which concentrates on reading, math, and science. In the contemporary¶ context, science has replaced the pillar of religion in the curriculum. Also, in the¶ present context, the neoliberal economy has replaced the old imperial economy, but¶ the objective for schooling still stays the same, which is to produce a labor force for¶ the global economy. As Lipman points out, these accountability reforms ’certify that¶ students that graduate from’ schooling ’will have ~the~ basic literacies and disciplined¶ dispositions’ needed for a global workforce (2003, 340). International organizations¶ such as the OECD and the World Bank, have replaced the old adage ’protestant work¶ ethic’ of colonial schooling, with the knowledge and skills to function in the knowledge¶ economy, such as literacy to manipulate information, problem solving, math, and¶ science (Spring 2009). In other words, like colonial schooling, education via neoliberal¶ reform is working towards reproducing a labor force and objectification of the¶ colonized. Ceasire’s argument of ’thingification’ fits very well with the colonizing of¶ bodies in neoliberal educational reform. Teachers, students, and education in general¶ are all objectified and reduced to commodities to serve the global economy. To this¶ end, Lipman states: Students are reduced to test scores, future slots in the labor market, prison numbers, and¶ possible cannon fodder in military conquests. Teachers are reduced to technicians and¶ supervisors in the education assembly line – ’objects’ rather than ’subjects’ of history.¶ This system is fundamentally about the negation of human agency, despite the good¶ intentions of individuals at all levels. (2004, 179)¶ Global colonialism continues with the evidence-based education movement, as education¶ is increasingly reduced into standardized packages that can be sold in the global¶ marketplace, while at the same time promoting a system of education that is focused¶ on training a skilled workforce that will operate in the global labor market (Lipman¶ 2004; Berry 2008; Spring 2009; Rizvi and Lingard 2010). To this end, Fanon states:¶ I came into the world imbued with the will to find a meaning in things, my spirit filled¶ with the desire to attain to the source of the world, and then I found that I was an object¶ in the midst of other objects. (1967, 109).¶ The desires and agencies of many teachers, students, and educational leaders are being¶ stripped away, while at the same time they are turned into ’an object in the midst of¶ other objects’ through the neoliberal logic of evidence-based education. In summary,¶ the neoliberal agenda, currently dominant in education systems around the world, reproduces¶ colonial educational policies. Within the evidence-based education movement, the epistemic and material are not separate but are intertwined in colonial discourse¶ and history. As this section demonstrates, evidence-based education not only colonizes¶ education epistemologically, but also perpetuates materialist power relations and¶ disciplines bodies of the colonized to serve the global economy.¶ Concluding remarks and implications¶ ~U~nless educational reform happens concurrently with analysis of the forces of colonialism,¶ it can only serve as a insufficient Band-aid over the incessant wound of imperialism.¶ (Grande 2004, 19)¶ Grande eloquently summarizes the intention behind this article, which is to offer a¶ conceptual map linking events of the colonial past with a present movement that¶ continues to perpetuate colonial discourses and practices within educational policy.¶ My hope is that the analysis presented in this paper provides an alteration in terms on¶ what is unsaid or left out in educational policy and bolsters a critical analysis of power¶ in educational policy. I argue in this paper that the evidence-based education movement¶ is very much tied to multiple colonial discourses, which can be traced back to a¶ colonial history that has simply been ignored in the literature. In other words, this article¶ challenges us to move beyond the confines of Eurocentrism and historical amnesia¶ to critically examine evidence-based education and to contextualize this movement¶ within colonial discourses and histories. It is my hope that this article demonstrates the usefulness of the anticolonial lens¶ in examining educational policy. This framework foregrounds the intersections¶ between knowledge, power, Eurocentrism, colonial history, and political economy, in¶ educational policy. The epistemic, cultural, and material perspectives in anticolonial¶ thought are applicable to policy analysis. This is evident in the way that ’educational¶ research,’ ’evidence,’ ’curriculum,’ and ’learning outcomes’ are being defined and¶ re-imagined in evidence-based education, as these are ultimately shaped by material¶ relations of power that are colonizing. For instance, common to any colonial¶ discourse is the rationale for purifying administration in the name of efficiency, and a¶ binaristic civilizing narrative is used in this regard. By naming and representing¶ education as a field in chaos, evidence-based education proponents, with good intentions,¶ are justifying actions and measures to make education systems more evidencebased¶ and in turn standardize and rationalize complex educational processes. As this¶ paper demonstrates, many proponents of evidence-based education profess an¶ educational policy with the intention of improving learning for all students (which¶ may be their full intent), but their discourse continues to perpetuate colonized power¶ relationships. In other words, they are unknowingly striving to control and ’tame’¶ education through evidence-based education. An anticolonial lens also reminds us how social hierarchies and knowledge¶ systems were used to justify colonial interventions with the objective of reshaping¶ society in order to exploit the labor and material resources of the colonized, and allow¶ for certain power relations to be legitimized. In the evidence-based education movement,¶ we see the mobilization of colonial discourse with regard to the way ’evidence’¶ and ’learning’ is being constructed and used to purify the production of knowledge to¶ meet neoliberal ends of education. Furthermore, the anticolonial lens reveals the¶ commodification, objectification, and dehumanization of bodies and knowledge¶ systems in colonial processes. This article demonstrates how this ’thingification’ occurs in evidence-based education for teachers, students, and educational leaders. An¶ anticolonial lens cannot separate the political economy from the epistemic issues. To¶ this end, this paper demonstrates how evidence-based education is part of a neoliberal¶ agenda which is also tied to global colonialism and the production of colonized labor.¶ In short, an anticolonial lens helps to bring forward the social–historical–political¶ processes that stem from colonial relations of power and informs contemporary¶ knowledge production, validation, and dissemination in educational policy. An anticolonial lens also stresses that colonial discourses and material relations of¶ power are not absolute, and that the colonized also have discursive and material¶ agency. To this end, one of the limitations of my analysis is that it overlooks the¶ agency among the colonized, and has presented evidence-based education as a monolithic¶ discourse with homogenizing effects, rather than a partial discourse that is¶ contested and lived differently from its intentions. Historically, and in present¶ contexts, imperialism and colonialism were never monolithic or unidirectional, and¶ the boundaries between colonizers and colonized were not clearly demarcated (see¶ Cooper and Stoler 1997; Young 2001; Bush 2006). Similarly, evidence-based education¶ is not an absolute, unidirectional discourse. From an anticolonial lens, we need to¶ look for those sites of resistance and discrepancies to highlight the limitations/¶ inequities of evidence-based education and bring those struggles to the foreground. To¶ this end, I will now discuss some examples of the ’tensions’ and resistances to¶ evidence-based education. For instance, in Canada, the British Columbia Teacher’s¶ Federation has led a campaign to resist the Foundations Skills Assessment instituted¶ by the provincial government (http://www.bctf.ca/fsa.aspx). In Ontario, African-¶ Canadian parents are frustrated with the Toronto public schooling system failing to¶ respond to the needs of Black youth and are demanding Africentric schools from the¶ Toronto District School Board (Adjei and Agyepong 2009). In the USA, Fine et al.¶ (2007) describe, how schools, communities, parents, and grandparents are engaged in¶ active resistance to such accountability measures and schooling. Chicago residents of¶ Little Village have launched an organizing campaign for a local high school dedicated¶ to culture, community, and activism, which culminated in a 19-day hunger strike by¶ Latino high school students, educators, community organizers, residents, and even¶ grandmothers. Similarly, in a California community, largely populated by migrant¶ families, the school district, joined by nine other districts and civil rights organizations,¶ sued the state over the improper use of English-language assessments to test¶ English Language Learners and the sanctions they face under NCLB (Fine et al.¶ 2007). Teachers also have the agency to interpret, disseminate, and act on the information¶ based on such accountability policies (Lipman 2002; Ball 2003; Sloan 2007). Some¶ teachers have left the profession as an act of resistance because these accountability¶ trends no longer reflect their critical educational philosophy (McNeil 2000; Lipman¶ 2002; Ball 2003). Other teachers enact resistance by subverting the official test-based¶ curriculum. For instance, as one Chicago school teacher put it:¶ I think that we are having a rough time, that sometimes we may lean a little bit more¶ towards CPS policies and other times we lean a little bit more to ’screw CPS’ and focus¶ on critical thinking skills. (Lipman 2002, 392)¶ Some still display ambivalence towards teaching for the test for the purpose of¶ surveillance: I have mixed feelings about it … I think it’s how we interpret the results. If we use it to¶ say our school is better than yours, then I don’t want to do it. If we use it so that we can¶ help the teachers program better for the kids, then that is more useful as a tool. (Canadian¶ Grade 3 teacher, cited in Childs and Fung 2009, 9)¶ In short, teachers, students, parents, families, and community activists have demonstrated¶ the agency to negotiate and contest these colonial discourses in every day¶ practice. Accountability reforms, tied with evidence-based education, depending on¶ context, have also had multiple effects on schools and curricula, and also have critics¶ from within. Scholars have noted how the colonizing effects of accountability reform¶ on schooling and resistance to these reforms depend on the context and the questions¶ of race, class, language, and localized policies (Lipman 2002, 2003; Earl and Fullan¶ 2003; Maxcy 2006). For instance, in her study on the impact of accountability reform¶ for four Chicago schools, Lipman notes how these ’schools’ responses to accountability¶ are closely linked to past and present race and class advantages, the relative political¶ power of their communities, and new forms of racialization’ (2003, 338).¶ Moreover, in a significant minority of cases, high-stakes testing has led to curricular¶ content expansion, the integration of knowledge, and more student-centered, cooperative¶ pedagogies, such as in secondary social studies and language arts (Au 2007).¶ Hence, the nature of high-stakes-test-induced curricular control is highly dependent¶ on the structures of the tests themselves (Au 2007). In summary, high-stakes testing¶ does not produce a monolithic effect, but has heterogeneous results depending on¶ questions of social difference and context. Furthermore, proponents of evidence-based¶ education ’are not monolithic and that at least some of them are open to dialog on the¶ issues on which we disagree’ (Maxwell 2004, 39). In short, an acknowledgment of the¶ colonial historical legacy of the evidence-based education movement may help us¶ move beyond a discourse of sameness in colonial discourse, and start thinking about¶ the possibilities, interruptions, contestations, and resistances to the colonizing effects¶ of evidence-based education. Recently, there has been growing ethnographic studies¶ that examine such sites of resistance and contradictions at the ground level. These¶ spaces are where future studies and dialog could focus their attention. In terms of policy and educational practice, an anticolonial lens motivates us to ask¶ a different set of questions and re-imagine educational research, practice, and policy.¶ For instance, what is being left out in the discussion of evidence-based education¶ movement is the glaring systemic inequities that are privileging some bodies¶ (students, teachers, and administrators) and knowledge systems (language, curricula,¶ and culture) over others (see McNeil 2000; Lipman 2004; Valuenzela 2005; Maxcy¶ 2006), that are tied to the global economy (Stewart-Harawira 2005). Rather than blaming¶ students, teachers, and administrators for progress in public tests, and working¶ from a deficit model, we need to shift our attention towards deploying significant¶ material and intellectual resources to serve diverse needs and minoritized bodies¶ (Lipman 2002, 2003), and challenge global economic systems. Furthermore, instead¶ of looking for the pitfalls of educational practice, we could ask and explore the following¶ questions (see Asa Hilliard cited in Lemons-Smith 2008; Hood and Hopson 2008):¶ How does academic excellence flourish in schools attended mostly by minoritized¶ students? How do teachers who reject the status quo and define excellence as responding¶ to community needs, find ways to promote excellence for all students regardless¶ of their circumstances? ’Student achievement at what cost’ ~Michael Dantley, personal communication~? What ideological paradigms underlie teacher education?¶ What is the role of teacher preparation programs in perpetuating and promoting these¶ values of equity and social justice?¶ Finally, in terms of educational policy, we may ask: whose cultural assumptions¶ and histories inform such accountability systems, ’evidence,’ ’data,’ and ’learning¶ outcomes?’ ’Whose notions of evidence matter most? And to whom does evidence¶ matter most?’ (Hood and Hopson 2008, 418). According to Stanfield (1999) and¶ Gillborn (2005), educational policy and research continue to impose the standards and¶ products of White supremacy on the racially minoritized. As Stanfield states:¶ Implicit White supremacy norms and values contribute … to Eurocentric concepts and¶ measurement epistemologies, techniques, and interpretations … Concretely, in the¶ United States and elsewhere in the West, … it has been considered normative to consider¶ Eurocentric notions and experiences as the baseline, as the yardstick to compare and¶ contrast the notions and experiences of people of color. This is … most apparent in¶ designing, implementing, and interpreting standardized tests and survey instruments.¶ (1999, 421)¶ I would argue that we need to ’reappropriate’ evidence-based education to include a¶ broader array of evidence, experiences, and cultural knowledges (Luke 2003, 98; see¶ also Stanfield 1999; Valuenzela, Prieto, and Hamilton 2007). Finally, borrowing the¶ words of Asa Hilliard III, we need to ask, ’do we have the will to educate all children’¶ (cited in Lemons-Smith 2008, 908), to respond to the needs, survival, self-determination,¶ and sovereignty of their respective communities and the planet? (see also Dei 2000;¶ Grande 2004). In an era of transnational capital, where ’~g~lobalized discourses and agendasetting¶ and policy pressures now emerge from beyond the nation’(Rizvi and Lingard¶ 2010, 14–15), we need to have transnational dialogs (Mohanty 2003) on the impact of¶ evidence-based education and neoliberal reform across borders and social institutions.¶ This is because such transnational alliances and solidarity are needed to contest global¶ forces informed by transnational corporations as well as international organizations¶ such as the World Bank and OECD. What is noteworthy and rarely discussed, are the¶ similarities and differences in the discourses and effects of evidence-based education¶ movement across the three nation-states analyzed in this paper. Future research could¶ speculate and study how these ideas of evidence-based education circulate and move¶ across borders (see Rizvi and Lingard 2010).¶ Finally, as someone who has had the privilege to teach research methodology to¶ graduate students (including teachers, teacher educators, principals, and superintendents),¶ I am alarmed by how many of my students grumble about standardized testing,¶ and some even focus their research on such topics. What is also disconcerting is how¶ many of my students have a hard time imagining research and evidence that go¶ beyond numbers because of the ’numbers game’ they must play in their daily working¶ lives. These trends are not a reflection of my students’ inabilities to see beyond¶ numbers, but a testament to the hegemony of the structural environment that reminds¶ them of what constitutes valid knowledge every day. Also of great concern is the¶ speed at which educational leaders, students, and teachers are being rushed through¶ standardized processes that leave little time for reflection, authenticity, and healing.¶ Many of my students have shared these accounts in my classroom, with me in person,¶ and in their reflection papers. For instance, one student who is currently a high school¶ teacher commented in a recent email: ’The standards and objectives themselves work to eliminate any third space or anticolonial space. We read, write, process for the sole¶ purpose of testing and not for liberation.’¶ In this regard, I propose that we need to ’slow down’ in educational practice and¶ policy. To this end, I am reminded of the words of Malidoma Some, an African Shaman¶ healer, who stated ’while that the indigenous world looks, the industrial world over¶ looks’ (emphasis added). Educators, teachers, students, and policy-makers need time,¶ not to be given more information for decision-making or learning, but more importantly¶ to assess what we are overlooking in educating future generations. For instance, we¶ need more time to come together, dialog, heal, build reciprocity, understand difference,¶ and re-imagine educational policy and practice for the benefit of future generations. It¶ is only by slowing down that we will realize that our students, educational researchers,¶ teachers, and administrators are not ’uncultivated soil,’ in the words of La Casas, but¶ rather seeds with the power within to germinate on their own if they are provided the¶ freedom, resources, and time. Slowing down is what I believe decolonizing education¶ means in this era of neoliberal policies and transnational capital21

Tournament: GBX | Round: 3 | Opponent: Stratford OS | Judge: Michael McGrath

1nc V Stratford

The K

The struggle over the question of who counts as human is THE question of the debate—the system of colonialism instituted by European powers in the 15th and 16th centuries haunts the present in the form of coloniality—an epistemological structure that privileges the Western subject as the only legitimate expression of human knowledge.  The question of Latin American engagement can only be answered when we first unsettle the coloniality of knowledge and being that has demarcated the majority of the world as subhuman populations given over to death.

Wynter 03 (Sylvia, Professor of Romance Languages at Stanford University, "Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom
Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation—An Argument," CR: The New Centennial Review, 3.3 (2003) 257-337, MUSE)
THE ARGUMENT PROPOSES THAT THE STRUGGLE OF OUR NEW MILLENNIUM WILL be one between the
AND
the other, African enslavement, Latin American conquest, and Asian subjugation.

The affirmative’s economic engagement with Latin America is just one more manifestation of 500 years of coloniality—the promise of prosperity, democracy, and security is a toxic fantasy that obscures the trail of dead reaching back through time.

Mignolo 05, (Walter, Duke University, "THE IDEA OF LATIN AMERICA", 2005, 6/28/13|Ashwin) 
The logic of coloniality can be understood as working through four wide domains of human
AND
very idea of both "America" and "Latin" America..4ever

The affirmative’s naïve embargo politics proves the productive nature of power – lifting the repressive embargo will not free the Cuban people but will simply provide them with new corporate masters.

Mark 96 Mark, Detroit, Oct. 1, 1996, The imperialist Helms-Burton law and the myth of Cuban socialism, ~http://www.communistvoice.org/10cHelms.html~~

With Clinton and Congress trying to placate the right-wing on Cuba, another
AND
masses by Cuban state-capitalism and the foreign corporations it welcomes in. 

Coloniality naturalizes a non-ethics of death and generalizes the condition of damnation—ongoing genocide, enslavement, rape, ecological destruction and unending war is produced by and reproduces colonial epistmeologies.

Maldonado-Torres 08 ~Nelson. "Against War : Views from the Underside of Modernity"¶ Durham, NC, USA: Duke University Press, 2008. p 215-217¶ http://site.ebrary.com/lib/utexas/Doc?id=1021719126ppg=52~~

Dussel, Quijano, and Wynter lead us to the understanding that what happened in
AND
a world, ontology collapses into a Manicheanism, as Fanon suggested.72

The alternative is the DEATH OF THE AMERICAN MAN – this is an epistemological and semiotic struggle to deflate the enthno-class of Man

Maldonado Torres 05 ~Nelson, professor at Rutgers, "Decolonization and the New Identitarian Logics after September 11," Radical Philosophy Review 8, n. 1 (2005): 35-67~

Inspired by these Fanonian insights l have articulated elsewhere the idea of a weak utopian
AND
a nation-in-relation rather than as a continental being.71

And we must decolonize debate practice itself—Education based on Western epistemologies continue forms of colonial schooling designed to reproduce coloniality- from the "moral project" of educating and civilizing the Indians to teaching of social Darwinism in the Congo.  Decolonizing education requires not only an analysis of the knowledge, power, Eurocentrism, colonial history, and political economy inherent in educational activities like debate but also foregrounding the possibility of epistemic resistance.

Shahjahan 11 ~Riyad Ahmed, Assistant Professor of Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education (HALE) at Michigan State University. Ph.D. at the OISE/University of Toronto in Higher Education. "Decolonizing the evidence-based education and policy movement:¶ revealing the colonial vestiges in educational policy, research, and¶ neoliberal reform" Online publication date: 22 March 201, Journal of Education Policy, 26: 2,¶ 181 — 206 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2010.508176~~

Revisiting histories of colonial educational policy in schooling helps us contextualize¶ and demonstrate how evidence-based education, tied to high-stakes testing and¶ neoliberalism, reproduces past colonial ideologies with respect to developing colonized¶ labor. Throughout European colonialism, schooling was not only used to colonize¶ the minds to force cultural assimilation or acceptance of colonial rule, but also to¶ produce a reservoir of subservient labor that would harvest and mine commodities for¶ the imperial economy. For instance, in North America, colonial schooling ’introduced¶ the concept of forced labor as part of Indian education, transforming the ostensibly¶ "moral project" of civilizing Indians into a for-profit enterprise’ (Grande 2004, 13). In¶ boarding schools, part of the most important feature of the colonialist curriculum ’was¶ the inculcation of the industrial or "Protestant" work ethic’ (13). In the Belgian¶ Congo, Darwin’s scientific racism was the dominant discourse among Belgian colonizers,¶ and it influenced their colonial educational policy. For the Belgian government¶ and leaders of industry, the Congolese was to learn in school a work ethos that clearly¶ catered to the economic endeavor, and to mold the Congolese playfulness and laziness¶ into a life of ’progress,’ order and discipline (Seghers 2004, 465). In Hawaii, colonial¶ schools ’became less a means of religious conversion and more a site for socializing¶ Hawaiian and immigrant children for work on the plantation’ (Kaomea 2000, 322). In¶ Africa in general, Urch notes: The demand for skilled native labor by the white settlers and commercial leaders caused¶ the colonial administrators to reevaluate the educational program of the missions.¶ Education solely for proselytization was not considered sufficient to enable the colonies’¶ economy to expand. Government officials saw the need for an educational process that¶ would help to break down tribal solidarity and force the African into a money economy.¶ (1971, 252)¶ In short, colonial schooling played a significant role in disciplining the minds and¶ bodies of the colonized for imperial profit.¶ Interestingly, when it came to ’pillars of the curriculum,’ what was common¶ among many colonial environments, ’were religion and the legendary "3Rs"¶ ~Reading, (W)riting and "Rithmetic"~’ (Sjöström 2001, 79). These pillars of the¶ curriculum very much parallel, with a slight change, the curriculum that is tested via¶ PISA and TIMSS which concentrates on reading, math, and science. In the contemporary¶ context, science has replaced the pillar of religion in the curriculum. Also, in the¶ present context, the neoliberal economy has replaced the old imperial economy, but¶ the objective for schooling still stays the same, which is to produce a labor force for¶ the global economy. As Lipman points out, these accountability reforms ’certify that¶ students that graduate from’ schooling ’will have ~the~ basic literacies and disciplined¶ dispositions’ needed for a global workforce (2003, 340). International organizations¶ such as the OECD and the World Bank, have replaced the old adage ’protestant work¶ ethic’ of colonial schooling, with the knowledge and skills to function in the knowledge¶ economy, such as literacy to manipulate information, problem solving, math, and¶ science (Spring 2009). In other words, like colonial schooling, education via neoliberal¶ reform is working towards reproducing a labor force and objectification of the¶ colonized. Ceasire’s argument of ’thingification’ fits very well with the colonizing of¶ bodies in neoliberal educational reform. Teachers, students, and education in general¶ are all objectified and reduced to commodities to serve the global economy. To this¶ end, Lipman states: Students are reduced to test scores, future slots in the labor market, prison numbers, and¶ possible cannon fodder in military conquests. Teachers are reduced to technicians and¶ supervisors in the education assembly line – ’objects’ rather than ’subjects’ of history.¶ This system is fundamentally about the negation of human agency, despite the good¶ intentions of individuals at all levels. (2004, 179)¶ Global colonialism continues with the evidence-based education movement, as education¶ is increasingly reduced into standardized packages that can be sold in the global¶ marketplace, while at the same time promoting a system of education that is focused¶ on training a skilled workforce that will operate in the global labor market (Lipman¶ 2004; Berry 2008; Spring 2009; Rizvi and Lingard 2010). To this end, Fanon states:¶ I came into the world imbued with the will to find a meaning in things, my spirit filled¶ with the desire to attain to the source of the world, and then I found that I was an object¶ in the midst of other objects. (1967, 109).¶ The desires and agencies of many teachers, students, and educational leaders are being¶ stripped away, while at the same time they are turned into ’an object in the midst of¶ other objects’ through the neoliberal logic of evidence-based education. In summary,¶ the neoliberal agenda, currently dominant in education systems around the world, reproduces¶ colonial educational policies. Within the evidence-based education movement, the epistemic and material are not separate but are intertwined in colonial discourse¶ and history. As this section demonstrates, evidence-based education not only colonizes¶ education epistemologically, but also perpetuates materialist power relations and¶ disciplines bodies of the colonized to serve the global economy.¶ Concluding remarks and implications¶ ~U~nless educational reform happens concurrently with analysis of the forces of colonialism,¶ it can only serve as a insufficient Band-aid over the incessant wound of imperialism.¶ (Grande 2004, 19)¶ Grande eloquently summarizes the intention behind this article, which is to offer a¶ conceptual map linking events of the colonial past with a present movement that¶ continues to perpetuate colonial discourses and practices within educational policy.¶ My hope is that the analysis presented in this paper provides an alteration in terms on¶ what is unsaid or left out in educational policy and bolsters a critical analysis of power¶ in educational policy. I argue in this paper that the evidence-based education movement¶ is very much tied to multiple colonial discourses, which can be traced back to a¶ colonial history that has simply been ignored in the literature. In other words, this article¶ challenges us to move beyond the confines of Eurocentrism and historical amnesia¶ to critically examine evidence-based education and to contextualize this movement¶ within colonial discourses and histories. It is my hope that this article demonstrates the usefulness of the anticolonial lens¶ in examining educational policy. This framework foregrounds the intersections¶ between knowledge, power, Eurocentrism, colonial history, and political economy, in¶ educational policy. The epistemic, cultural, and material perspectives in anticolonial¶ thought are applicable to policy analysis. This is evident in the way that ’educational¶ research,’ ’evidence,’ ’curriculum,’ and ’learning outcomes’ are being defined and¶ re-imagined in evidence-based education, as these are ultimately shaped by material¶ relations of power that are colonizing. For instance, common to any colonial¶ discourse is the rationale for purifying administration in the name of efficiency, and a¶ binaristic civilizing narrative is used in this regard. By naming and representing¶ education as a field in chaos, evidence-based education proponents, with good intentions,¶ are justifying actions and measures to make education systems more evidencebased¶ and in turn standardize and rationalize complex educational processes. As this¶ paper demonstrates, many proponents of evidence-based education profess an¶ educational policy with the intention of improving learning for all students (which¶ may be their full intent), but their discourse continues to perpetuate colonized power¶ relationships. In other words, they are unknowingly striving to control and ’tame’¶ education through evidence-based education. An anticolonial lens also reminds us how social hierarchies and knowledge¶ systems were used to justify colonial interventions with the objective of reshaping¶ society in order to exploit the labor and material resources of the colonized, and allow¶ for certain power relations to be legitimized. In the evidence-based education movement,¶ we see the mobilization of colonial discourse with regard to the way ’evidence’¶ and ’learning’ is being constructed and used to purify the production of knowledge to¶ meet neoliberal ends of education. Furthermore, the anticolonial lens reveals the¶ commodification, objectification, and dehumanization of bodies and knowledge¶ systems in colonial processes. This article demonstrates how this ’thingification’ occurs in evidence-based education for teachers, students, and educational leaders. An¶ anticolonial lens cannot separate the political economy from the epistemic issues. To¶ this end, this paper demonstrates how evidence-based education is part of a neoliberal¶ agenda which is also tied to global colonialism and the production of colonized labor.¶ In short, an anticolonial lens helps to bring forward the social–historical–political¶ processes that stem from colonial relations of power and informs contemporary¶ knowledge production, validation, and dissemination in educational policy. An anticolonial lens also stresses that colonial discourses and material relations of¶ power are not absolute, and that the colonized also have discursive and material¶ agency. To this end, one of the limitations of my analysis is that it overlooks the¶ agency among the colonized, and has presented evidence-based education as a monolithic¶ discourse with homogenizing effects, rather than a partial discourse that is¶ contested and lived differently from its intentions. Historically, and in present¶ contexts, imperialism and colonialism were never monolithic or unidirectional, and¶ the boundaries between colonizers and colonized were not clearly demarcated (see¶ Cooper and Stoler 1997; Young 2001; Bush 2006). Similarly, evidence-based education¶ is not an absolute, unidirectional discourse. From an anticolonial lens, we need to¶ look for those sites of resistance and discrepancies to highlight the limitations/¶ inequities of evidence-based education and bring those struggles to the foreground. To¶ this end, I will now discuss some examples of the ’tensions’ and resistances to¶ evidence-based education. For instance, in Canada, the British Columbia Teacher’s¶ Federation has led a campaign to resist the Foundations Skills Assessment instituted¶ by the provincial government (http://www.bctf.ca/fsa.aspx). In Ontario, African-¶ Canadian parents are frustrated with the Toronto public schooling system failing to¶ respond to the needs of Black youth and are demanding Africentric schools from the¶ Toronto District School Board (Adjei and Agyepong 2009). In the USA, Fine et al.¶ (2007) describe, how schools, communities, parents, and grandparents are engaged in¶ active resistance to such accountability measures and schooling. Chicago residents of¶ Little Village have launched an organizing campaign for a local high school dedicated¶ to culture, community, and activism, which culminated in a 19-day hunger strike by¶ Latino high school students, educators, community organizers, residents, and even¶ grandmothers. Similarly, in a California community, largely populated by migrant¶ families, the school district, joined by nine other districts and civil rights organizations,¶ sued the state over the improper use of English-language assessments to test¶ English Language Learners and the sanctions they face under NCLB (Fine et al.¶ 2007). Teachers also have the agency to interpret, disseminate, and act on the information¶ based on such accountability policies (Lipman 2002; Ball 2003; Sloan 2007). Some¶ teachers have left the profession as an act of resistance because these accountability¶ trends no longer reflect their critical educational philosophy (McNeil 2000; Lipman¶ 2002; Ball 2003). Other teachers enact resistance by subverting the official test-based¶ curriculum. For instance, as one Chicago school teacher put it:¶ I think that we are having a rough time, that sometimes we may lean a little bit more¶ towards CPS policies and other times we lean a little bit more to ’screw CPS’ and focus¶ on critical thinking skills. (Lipman 2002, 392)¶ Some still display ambivalence towards teaching for the test for the purpose of¶ surveillance: I have mixed feelings about it … I think it’s how we interpret the results. If we use it to¶ say our school is better than yours, then I don’t want to do it. If we use it so that we can¶ help the teachers program better for the kids, then that is more useful as a tool. (Canadian¶ Grade 3 teacher, cited in Childs and Fung 2009, 9)¶ In short, teachers, students, parents, families, and community activists have demonstrated¶ the agency to negotiate and contest these colonial discourses in every day¶ practice. Accountability reforms, tied with evidence-based education, depending on¶ context, have also had multiple effects on schools and curricula, and also have critics¶ from within. Scholars have noted how the colonizing effects of accountability reform¶ on schooling and resistance to these reforms depend on the context and the questions¶ of race, class, language, and localized policies (Lipman 2002, 2003; Earl and Fullan¶ 2003; Maxcy 2006). For instance, in her study on the impact of accountability reform¶ for four Chicago schools, Lipman notes how these ’schools’ responses to accountability¶ are closely linked to past and present race and class advantages, the relative political¶ power of their communities, and new forms of racialization’ (2003, 338).¶ Moreover, in a significant minority of cases, high-stakes testing has led to curricular¶ content expansion, the integration of knowledge, and more student-centered, cooperative¶ pedagogies, such as in secondary social studies and language arts (Au 2007).¶ Hence, the nature of high-stakes-test-induced curricular control is highly dependent¶ on the structures of the tests themselves (Au 2007). In summary, high-stakes testing¶ does not produce a monolithic effect, but has heterogeneous results depending on¶ questions of social difference and context. Furthermore, proponents of evidence-based¶ education ’are not monolithic and that at least some of them are open to dialog on the¶ issues on which we disagree’ (Maxwell 2004, 39). In short, an acknowledgment of the¶ colonial historical legacy of the evidence-based education movement may help us¶ move beyond a discourse of sameness in colonial discourse, and start thinking about¶ the possibilities, interruptions, contestations, and resistances to the colonizing effects¶ of evidence-based education. Recently, there has been growing ethnographic studies¶ that examine such sites of resistance and contradictions at the ground level. These¶ spaces are where future studies and dialog could focus their attention. In terms of policy and educational practice, an anticolonial lens motivates us to ask¶ a different set of questions and re-imagine educational research, practice, and policy.¶ For instance, what is being left out in the discussion of evidence-based education¶ movement is the glaring systemic inequities that are privileging some bodies¶ (students, teachers, and administrators) and knowledge systems (language, curricula,¶ and culture) over others (see McNeil 2000; Lipman 2004; Valuenzela 2005; Maxcy¶ 2006), that are tied to the global economy (Stewart-Harawira 2005). Rather than blaming¶ students, teachers, and administrators for progress in public tests, and working¶ from a deficit model, we need to shift our attention towards deploying significant¶ material and intellectual resources to serve diverse needs and minoritized bodies¶ (Lipman 2002, 2003), and challenge global economic systems. Furthermore, instead¶ of looking for the pitfalls of educational practice, we could ask and explore the following¶ questions (see Asa Hilliard cited in Lemons-Smith 2008; Hood and Hopson 2008):¶ How does academic excellence flourish in schools attended mostly by minoritized¶ students? How do teachers who reject the status quo and define excellence as responding¶ to community needs, find ways to promote excellence for all students regardless¶ of their circumstances? ’Student achievement at what cost’ ~Michael Dantley, personal communication~? What ideological paradigms underlie teacher education?¶ What is the role of teacher preparation programs in perpetuating and promoting these¶ values of equity and social justice?¶ Finally, in terms of educational policy, we may ask: whose cultural assumptions¶ and histories inform such accountability systems, ’evidence,’ ’data,’ and ’learning¶ outcomes?’ ’Whose notions of evidence matter most? And to whom does evidence¶ matter most?’ (Hood and Hopson 2008, 418). According to Stanfield (1999) and¶ Gillborn (2005), educational policy and research continue to impose the standards and¶ products of White supremacy on the racially minoritized. As Stanfield states:¶ Implicit White supremacy norms and values contribute … to Eurocentric concepts and¶ measurement epistemologies, techniques, and interpretations … Concretely, in the¶ United States and elsewhere in the West, … it has been considered normative to consider¶ Eurocentric notions and experiences as the baseline, as the yardstick to compare and¶ contrast the notions and experiences of people of color. This is … most apparent in¶ designing, implementing, and interpreting standardized tests and survey instruments.¶ (1999, 421)¶ I would argue that we need to ’reappropriate’ evidence-based education to include a¶ broader array of evidence, experiences, and cultural knowledges (Luke 2003, 98; see¶ also Stanfield 1999; Valuenzela, Prieto, and Hamilton 2007). Finally, borrowing the¶ words of Asa Hilliard III, we need to ask, ’do we have the will to educate all children’¶ (cited in Lemons-Smith 2008, 908), to respond to the needs, survival, self-determination,¶ and sovereignty of their respective communities and the planet? (see also Dei 2000;¶ Grande 2004). In an era of transnational capital, where ’~g~lobalized discourses and agendasetting¶ and policy pressures now emerge from beyond the nation’(Rizvi and Lingard¶ 2010, 14–15), we need to have transnational dialogs (Mohanty 2003) on the impact of¶ evidence-based education and neoliberal reform across borders and social institutions.¶ This is because such transnational alliances and solidarity are needed to contest global¶ forces informed by transnational corporations as well as international organizations¶ such as the World Bank and OECD. What is noteworthy and rarely discussed, are the¶ similarities and differences in the discourses and effects of evidence-based education¶ movement across the three nation-states analyzed in this paper. Future research could¶ speculate and study how these ideas of evidence-based education circulate and move¶ across borders (see Rizvi and Lingard 2010).¶ Finally, as someone who has had the privilege to teach research methodology to¶ graduate students (including teachers, teacher educators, principals, and superintendents),¶ I am alarmed by how many of my students grumble about standardized testing,¶ and some even focus their research on such topics. What is also disconcerting is how¶ many of my students have a hard time imagining research and evidence that go¶ beyond numbers because of the ’numbers game’ they must play in their daily working¶ lives. These trends are not a reflection of my students’ inabilities to see beyond¶ numbers, but a testament to the hegemony of the structural environment that reminds¶ them of what constitutes valid knowledge every day. Also of great concern is the¶ speed at which educational leaders, students, and teachers are being rushed through¶ standardized processes that leave little time for reflection, authenticity, and healing.¶ Many of my students have shared these accounts in my classroom, with me in person,¶ and in their reflection papers. For instance, one student who is currently a high school¶ teacher commented in a recent email: ’The standards and objectives themselves work to eliminate any third space or anticolonial space. We read, write, process for the sole¶ purpose of testing and not for liberation.’¶ In this regard, I propose that we need to ’slow down’ in educational practice and¶ policy. To this end, I am reminded of the words of Malidoma Some, an African Shaman¶ healer, who stated ’while that the indigenous world looks, the industrial world over¶ looks’ (emphasis added). Educators, teachers, students, and policy-makers need time,¶ not to be given more information for decision-making or learning, but more importantly¶ to assess what we are overlooking in educating future generations. For instance, we¶ need more time to come together, dialog, heal, build reciprocity, understand difference,¶ and re-imagine educational policy and practice for the benefit of future generations. It¶ is only by slowing down that we will realize that our students, educational researchers,¶ teachers, and administrators are not ’uncultivated soil,’ in the words of La Casas, but¶ rather seeds with the power within to germinate on their own if they are provided the¶ freedom, resources, and time. Slowing down is what I believe decolonizing education¶ means in this era of neoliberal policies and transnational capital21

Tournament: Georgetown | Round: 4 | Opponent: Lexington KL | Judge: Ezra Louvis

Uncertainty and nonlinearity are inevitable due to inherent complexity within systems

Ramalingam et al 8 ~Ben, Senior Research Associate at the Overseas Development Institute, and Harry jones at ODI, "Exploring the science of complexity: Ideas and Implications for development and humanitarian efforts" http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/docs/833.pdf-http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/docs/833.pdf ~ 10
Concept 4: Nonlinearity5 ‘... the darkest corner of science is the realm of non-linear problems
AND
have ‘fallen under the enchantment of delivering clear, specific, measurable outcomes’ (Westley et al., 2006).

And, focus on underlying structures producing violence outweighs a one shot linear cause for conflict

Hendrick 9 (Diane, University of Bradford, Dept of Peace Studies, "Complexity Theory and Conflict  Transformation: An Exploration of Potential and Implications", Centre for Conflict Resolution, June)
John Paul Lederach, drawing on Wheatley, has found the notion of ?process
AND
of those patterns".  (Senge, 1990; 2006 p. 2)

Tournament: Georgetown | Round: 4 | Opponent: Lexington KL | Judge: Ezra Louvis

Uncertainty and nonlinearity are inevitable due to inherent complexity within systems

Ramalingam et al 8 ~Ben, Senior Research Associate at the Overseas Development Institute, and Harry jones at ODI, "Exploring the science of complexity: Ideas and Implications for development and humanitarian efforts" http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/docs/833.pdf-http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/docs/833.pdf ~ 10
Concept 4: Nonlinearity5 ‘... the darkest corner of science is the realm of non-linear problems
AND
have ‘fallen under the enchantment of delivering clear, specific, measurable outcomes’ (Westley et al., 2006).

And, focus on underlying structures producing violence outweighs a one shot linear cause for conflict

Hendrick 9 (Diane, University of Bradford, Dept of Peace Studies, "Complexity Theory and Conflict  Transformation: An Exploration of Potential and Implications", Centre for Conflict Resolution, June)
John Paul Lederach, drawing on Wheatley, has found the notion of ?process
AND
of those patterns".  (Senge, 1990; 2006 p. 2)

Tournament: GBX | Round: 3 | Opponent: Stratford OS | Judge: Michael McGrath

Uncertainty and nonlinearity are inevitable due to inherent complexity within systems

Ramalingam et al 8 ~Ben, Senior Research Associate at the Overseas Development Institute, and Harry jones at ODI, "Exploring the science of complexity: Ideas and Implications for development and humanitarian efforts" http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/docs/833.pdf ~ 10
Concept 4: Nonlinearity5 ’... the darkest corner of science ~is~ the realm
AND
offset by the almost universal complaint that the log frame rests on a very
linear logic, which suggests that if Activity A is done, Output B will result, leading to Outcome C and Impact D. This linear idea of cause and effect is profoundly ill-at-ease with the implications of complexity science and, indeed, the experiences of many development practitioners. The authors of the study sum up the problems of the log frame in a way that is key to our discussion of complexity: ’Unfortunately (for the logical framework approach at least) we are not working with such a selfcontained system and there are so many factors involved which lie beyond the scope of the 27 planned initiative that will change the way things work. Although the LFA makes some attempt to capture these through the consideration of the risks and assumptions, these are limited by the imagination and experience of those involved. As a result the LFA tends to be one-dimensional and fails to reflect the messy realities facing development actors’ (Bakewell and Garbutt, 2005). Nonlinearity also has clear implications for the increased interest in randomised control trials (RCTs). While the implications of nonlinearity for techniques and tools such as the log frame and RCTs are increasingly well understood by many actors within the aid system, the answer to the deeper question as to whether incorporation of nonlinearity will be feasible, given the pressure on donors to justify aid budgets while having to deal with a reducing headcount, is less clear. The distinction between linearity and nonlinearity can be seen in as providing a theoretical underpinning of the frequently cited tension between upward accountability and learning. It also provides a means to re-frame the debate. If the two goals of accountability and learning are also about different mindsets, the degree to which an appropriate balance can be struck – without exploring these mindsets and the assumptions on which they are based – is open to question. Concept 5: Sensitivity to initial conditions Outline of the concept The behaviours of complex systems are sensitive to their initial conditions. Simply, this means that two complex systems that are initially very close together in terms of their various elements and dimensions can end up in distinctly different places. This comes from nonlinearity of relationships – where changes are not proportional, small changes in any one of the elements can result in large changes regarding the phenomenon of interest. Detailed explanation Imagine a small ball dropped onto the edge of a razor blade, as shown in the first image in Figure 4 below. The ball can strike the blade in such a way that it can go off to the left (centre image) or to the right (right-hand image). The condition that will determine whether the ball goes to the left or right is minute. If the ball were initially held centred over the blade (as in the first image), a prediction of which direction the ball would bounce would be impossible to make with certainty. A very slight change in the initial conditions of the ball can result in falling to the right or left of the blade. Figure 4: Sensitivity to initial conditions – ball striking razor blade Source: http://www.schuelers.com/ChaosPsyche/part_1_14.htm. The concept of phase space (Concept 6) allows a more precise understanding of initial conditions. Phase space allows for the analysis of the evolution of systems by considering the evolution process as a sequence of states in time (Rosen, 1991). A state is the position of the system in its phase space at a given time. At any time, the system’s state can be seen as the initial conditions for whatever processes follow. The sensitive dependence on initial conditions, in phase space terms, means that the position of a system in its phase space at a particular moment will have an influence on its future evolution. The interactions that are taking place at any moment in time have evolved from a previous moment in time, that is, all interactions are contingent on an historical process. Put simply, history matters in complex systems. 28 The infamous butterfly effect was a metaphor developed to illustrate this idea in the context of the weather. Edward Lorenz (1972), a meteorologist, used the metaphor of a flapping wing of a butterfly to explain how a minute difference in the initial condition of a weather system leads to a chain of events producing large-scale differences in weather patterns, such as the occurrence of a tornado where there was none before. As more recent thinkers have put it, in relation to complex systems in general, an initial uncertainty in measurement of the state of a system: ’… however small, inevitably grow~s~ so large that long-range prediction becomes impossible … even the most gentle, unaccounted-for perturbation can produce, in short order, abject failure of prediction’ (Peak and Frame, 1998). A large proportion of complex systems are prone to exhibiting the butterfly effect, so much so that some have defined complex behaviour as occurring where the butterfly effect is present (ibid). As no two situations will be exactly alike, the phenomenon will inevitably occur in many settings. As with nonlinearity, many have not used formal models to demonstrate the butterfly effect, but instead have tried to develop a qualitative understanding of the likely quantitative nature of real life situations. Sensitivity to initial conditions also means that ’the generalisation of good practice ~between contexts~ begins to look fragile’ (Haynes, 2003) because initial conditions are never exactly the same, and because the complexity and nonlinearity of behaviour make it extremely difficult to separate the contributions to overall behaviour that individual factors have. Any notion of ’good practice’ requires a detailed local knowledge to understand why the practice in question was good. This concept highlights the importance of understanding what can be forecast in complex systems to what level of certainty, as well as what is comparable across complex systems. It reinforces the point that both of these areas are necessarily restricted by the perspective of the observer. Sensitive dependence on initial conditions suggests that no single perspective can capture all there is to know about a system, that it may be wise to look in detail at how appropriate our solution to a problem is, and that it may be better to work with inevitable uncertainty rather than plan based on flimsy or hopeful predictions. This may mean, to take the example of predictability, that the success of a nation may be best explained not by its population’s virtues, its natural resources and its government’s skills, but rather simply by the position it took in the past, with small historical advantages leading to much bigger advantages later. Another example is how socioeconomic policy can result in a separation of neighbourhoods, driving a large gap between the rich and the poor so that, in short order, a gulf in wealth can result between two families who once had similar wealth (Byrne and Rogers, 1996). This is closely related to the notion of ’path dependence’, which is the idea that many alternatives are possible at some stages of a system’s development, but once one of these alternatives gains the upper hand, it becomes ’locked in’ and it is not possible to go to any of the previous available alternatives. For example, ’… many cities developed where and how they did not because of the "natural advantages" we are so quick to detect after the fact, but because their establishment set off self-reinforcing expectations and behaviours’ (Cronon, cited in Jervis, 1997). In economic development, the term ’path dependence’ is used to describe how standards which are first-to-market can become entrenched ’lock ins’ - such as the QWERTY layout in typewriters still used in computer keyboards (David, 2000). In certain situations, positive feedbacks leading from a small change can lead to such irreversible path dependence (Urry, 2003). Urry gives the example of irreversibility across an entire industry or sector, whereby through sensitive dependence on initial conditions, feedback can set in motion institutional patterns that are hard or impossible to reverse. He cites the example of the domination of steel and petroleum-based fuel models, developed in the late 29 19th century, which have come to dominate over other fuel alternatives, especially steam and electric, which were at the time preferable. The concept of path dependence has received some criticism from exponents of complexity science, because it has imported into economics the view that minor initial perturbations are important while grafting this onto an underlying theory that still assumes that there are a finite number of stable and alternative end-states, one of which will arise based on the particular initial conditions. As will be explained in Concept 7 on attractors and chaos, this is not always the case in complex systems (Margolis and Liebowitz, 1998).  Example: Sensitive dependence on initial conditions and economic growth Economists have generally identified sensitive dependence on initial conditions as one of the important features of the growth process – that is, what eventually happens to an economy depends greatly on the point of departure. There is mounting evidence that large qualitative differences in outcomes can arise from small (and perhaps accidental) differences in initial conditions or events (Hurwicz, 1995). In other words, the scope for and the direction and magnitude of change that a society can undertake depend critically on its prevailing objective conditions and the constellation of sociopolitical and institutional factors that have shaped these conditions. For specific economies, the initial conditions affecting economic growth include levels of per capita income; the development of human capital; the natural resource base; the levels and structure of production; the degree of the economy’s openness and its form of integration into the world system; the development of physical infrastructure; and institutional variables such as governance, land tenure and property rights. One might add here the nature of colonial rule and the institutional arrangements it bequeathed the former colonies, the decolonisation process, and the economic interests and policies of the erstwhile colonial masters. Wrongly specifying these initial conditions can undermine policy initiatives. Government polices are not simply a matter of choice made without historical or socioeconomic preconditions. Further, a sensitive appreciation of the differences and similarities in the initial conditions is important if one is to avoid some of the invidious comparisons one runs into today and the naive voluntarism that policymakers exhibit when they declare that their particular country is about to become the ’new tiger’ of Africa. Such comparisons and self-description actually make the process of learning from others more costly because they start the planning process off on a wrong foot (Mkandawire and Soludo, 1999). Implication: Rethink the scope of learning and the purpose of planning in an uncertain world Sensitivity to initial conditions suggests that there are inevitably degrees of non-comparability across, and unpredictability within, complex systems. Some have argued that this implies that: ’… the map to the future cannot be drawn in advance. We cannot know enough to set forth a meaningful vision or plan productively’ (Tetenbaum, 1998). The general implications for development theory and practice have been highlighted by a previous ODI working paper on participatory approaches, which suggests that this implies the notion of development as planned change is paradoxical. To quote directly, ’… perfect planning would imply perfect knowledge of the future, which in turn would imply a totally deterministic universe in which planning would not make a difference’ (Geyer, cited in Sellamna, 1999). Sellamna goes on: ’For this reason, development planning should abandon prescriptive, goal-oriented decision making and prediction about future states and focus instead on understanding the dynamics of 30 change and promoting a collective learning framework through which concerned stakeholders can constantly, through dialogue, express their respective interests and reach consensus.’ With regards to learning, this poses profound issues for the transferability of ’best practice’, a concept that has taken on increasing meaning within the development sector since the rise of knowledge management and organisational learning strategies (Ramalingam, 2005). While it is possible that, for example, an understanding of the interplay of factors driving urban change in the Philippines may be relevant for analysis of urban change in Guatemala, this is not necessarily the case. The sensitivity to initial conditions gives us a strong reason to suppose that, even if we have a generally useful perspective on urban environments, this may entirely fail to capture the key features of the next situation we look at. This means that the search for ’best practices’ may need to be replaced by the search for ’good principles’. Some have suggested that the most appropriate way to bring the principles of effective approaches from one context to another is for ’… development workers to become facilitators … enabling representatives of other communities … to see first hand what in the successful project they would wish to replicate’ (Breslin, 2004). Moving onto planning, to say that prediction of any kind is impossible may be overstating the case. Complexity does suggest that, in certain kinds of systems, future events cannot be forecasted to a useful level of probability and that, from certain perspectives, it is not possible to offer any firm prediction of the way the future will pan out on certain timescales. However, in other systems, future events can be foreseen in a helpful manner. For example, Geyer (2006) suggests that, with political dynamics, it is fairly safe to predict the short-term dynamics of basic power resources and political structures and that, therefore, there is decent scope for forecasting voting and decision outcomes of policy. On the other hand, examining party and institutional dynamics becomes more difficult, and grasping the potential shifts in contested political and social debates is even harder, while the longterm development of political dynamics is effectively characterised by disorder, as far as our ability to predict is concerned. It is important to clarify that certain levels of uncertainty are unavoidable when looking into the future. Complexity science suggests that it is important to identify and analyse these levels of unpredictability as part of the nature of the systems with which we work, and not treat uncertainty as in some way ’unscientific’ or embarrassing. Rather than rejecting planning outright, there is a need to rethink the purpose and principles of planning. This has two key strands. First, it is necessary to incorporate an acceptance of the inherent levels of uncertainty into planning. The requirement for a certain level of detail in understanding future events should be balanced with the understanding that both simple and intricate processes carry uncertainty of prediction. While improving one’s models of change and analyses of facets of a situation may be worthwhile, it is just as important and often more practical to work with a realistic understanding of this uncertainty and build a level of flexibility and adaptability into projects, allowing for greater resilience. It has been argued that development projects have ’fallen under the enchantment of ~delivering~ clear, specific, measurable outcomes’ (Westley et al., 2006).

Tournament: Lex | Round: 4 | Opponent: Pace FG | Judge: Chris Rodriguez
Neoliberals will use economic engagement as a tool to push capitalism on to Cuba
Wenston and Woods ‘08
(Fred and Alan, Alan Woods is a Trotskyist political theorist and author. He is one of the leading members of the International Marxist Tendency, as well as its British affiliate group Socialist Appeal, Vultures hovering over Cuba after Fidel Castro steps down http://www.cjournal.info/2008/02/20/vultures-hovering-over-cuba-after-fidel-castro-steps-down/)
They all pretend to be democrats when it comes to Cuba. In reality they
AND
to capitalism accompanied by a firm grip on state power at the top.
Maintaining the embargo is preferable to the influx of Us neoliberalism – their impact claims are built on ideological lies.
Malott No date but it is after 2005,
(Curry Malott teaches at D’Youville College, NY, “Cuban education in Neo – Liberal times: Social revolution and state capitalism, I don’t know the other information since I wasn’t the one who got this online)
It can hardly be denied that Cuba’s achievements, most notably in the areas of
AND
available (discussed below). What have these changes looked like in practice?
Lifting the embargo destroys the Cuban revolution, which is key to worldwide anti-neoliberal revolution.
Wenston and Woods ‘08
(Fred and Alan, Alan Woods is a Trotskyist political theorist and author. He is one of the leading members of the International Marxist Tendency, as well as its British affiliate group Socialist Appeal, Vultures hovering over Cuba after Fidel Castro steps down http://www.cjournal.info/2008/02/20/vultures-hovering-over-cuba-after-fidel-castro-steps-down/)
¶ If the Cuban revolution were defeated, as happened in Russia, it would
AND
the opposite of what is required, from their class point of view.

Expanding globalization to Cuba is part of an imperial strategy to displace revolutionary potential in Cuba. The outcome of the expansion of globalization is environmental destruction and inequality.
Bliss 2005 (Dr. Susan Bliss: Director of Global Education, 7/5/2005, “Sustainability of Modern Cuba’s post revolution globalisation process”,)
Globalisation is not a new phenomenon in Cuba, evolving from the 16th century with
AND
are ‘free and fair’, equitably structured and immune from corporate power.
Despite the affirmative’s benevolent intentions, their framing of Cuban intervention justifies the expansion of American security throughout Latin America
Lima 2011 (Lázaro. "Empire's Remains: Cuba, Cuban America, and “the American 1898”.American Literary History vol. 23 no. 2)
Louis A. Perez, Jr.’s Cuba in the American Imagination: Metaphor
AND
to how to understand Cuba from the vantage point of US imperial policy.
You should be skeptical of their engagement with Cuba – expanding American geopolitical influence in the region only serves to further the goals of US hegemony and the securitization of borders.
Nicol, 2011 Heather Nicol, Associate Professor in the Department of Geography, Trent University, Peterborough, Ontario, Canada, “U.S. Hegemony in the 21st century: Cuba's Place in the regionalizing geopolitics of North America and Caribbean Countries” Journal of Borderlands Studies, 23:1, 31-52, DOI: 10.1080/08865655.2008.9695687
The process of U.S. hegemony in North American economies is not unique
AND
, particularly in North America and the countries immediately touching its geographical borders.

THE CATEGORY OF WOMAN IS A SPECIFIC EXAMPLE OF HOW CAPITALISM USES IDENTITY POLITICS TO FIGHT FOR LEGITIMACY
Hennessy, Professor of English, SUNY- Albany, 2000
(Rosemary, Profit and Pleasure: Sexual Identities in Late Capitalism,)
For the historical materialist, however, the codes of cultural difference, or the
AND
result, some black women were reluctant to embrace the signifier “Ms.” 

No impact–Russia won’t attack the U.S.
Boston Herald, 00 (Sept 13)

Despite the hard-line mentality of the Russian military, it is inconceivable that Moscow would ever launch a nuclear strike against the United States. It's quite conceivable that China would. Remember when high-ranking Chinese generals threatened Los Angeles, if we decided to interfere with their conquest of Taiwan?

Tournament: Georgetown | Round: 5 | Opponent: Eastside MW | Judge:
Counter advocacy: We should engage in honoring the celebration of El Día De Los Muertos
United States economic engagement with Latin America is a mechanism of reinstating 500 years of coloniality
Mignolo 2005, (Walter, Duke University, “THE IDEA OF LATIN AMERICA”, 2005, 6/28/13|Ashwin)
The logic of coloniality can be understood as working through four wide domains of human
AND
very idea of both “America” and “Latin” America..
Inclusionary state practices are inherently violent – their plea to the state becomes fodder to expand the folds of empire, creating more exclusive lines of disposability
Agathangelou et al.  2008 (Anna M. Associate Professor in the Departments of Political Science and Women's Studies at York University, Canada, M. Daniel Bassichis, and Tamara L. Spira, UC President's Postdoctoral Fellow in Cultural Studies at UC Davis, “Intimate Investments:
Homonormativity, Global Lockdown and the Seductions of Empire,” Radical History Review Issue 100 Winter 2008, http://www.makezine.enoughenough.org/intimateinvestments.pdf)

To (re)consolidate itself, empire requires and solicits the production of certain
AND
much of queer politics and longing from “Stonewall to the suburbs.”19

Tournament: Capitol | Round: 2 | Opponent: River Hill SS | Judge: Lincoln Upton

A. Your decision should answer the resolutional question: Is the enactment of topical action better than the status quo or a competitive option?

1. "Resolved" before a colon reflects a legislative forum

Army Officer School ’04
 (5-12, "~23 12, Punctuation – The Colon and Semicolon", http://usawocc.army.mil/IMI/wg12.htm)
The colon introduces the following: a.  A list, but only after "
AND
with dock g.  A formal resolution, after the word "resolved:"
Resolved: (colon) That this council petition the mayor.

2. "USFG should" means the debate is solely about a policy established by governmental means

Ericson ’03
(Jon M., Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4)
The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each topic contains
AND
compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose. 

B. They claim to win the debate for reasons other than the desirability of topical action

C. You should vote negative – 3 standards

First is decisionmaking –

Decisionmaking—debate over a controversial point of action creates argumentative stasis—that’s key to avoid a devolution of debate into competing truth claims

Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ’8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 45)

Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of
AND
Congress to make progress on the immigration debate during the summer of 2007.
Someone disturbed by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised
AND
specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference.
To have a productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making by directing and placing
AND

the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose.
Although we now have a general subject, we have not yet stated a problem
AND
particular point of difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion.

Decisionmaking is the most portable skill—key to all facets of life and advocacy

Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ’8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 9-10)

After several days of intense debate, first the United States House of Representatives and
AND
support the military action, and in the face of significant international opposition.
Meanwhile, and perhaps equally difficult for the parties involved, a young couple deliberated
AND
made. Each decision maker worked hard to make well-reasoned decisions.
Decision making is a thoughtful process of choosing among a variety of options for acting
AND
decision making, as do our school, community, and social organizations.
We all make many decisions even- day. To refinance or sell one’s home, to buy a high-performance SUV or an economical hybrid car. what major to select, what to have for dinner, what candidate CO vote for. paper or plastic, all present lis with choices. Should the president deal with an international crisis through military invasion or diplomacy? How should the U.S. Congress act to address illegal immigration?
Is the defendant guilty as accused? Tlie Daily Show or the ball game?
AND
do we sort through it and select the best information for our needs?
The ability of every decision maker to make good, reasoned, and ethical decisions relies heavily upon their ability to think critically. Critical thinking enables one to break argumentation down to its component parts in order to evaluate its relative validity and strength. Critical thinkers are better users of information, as well as better advocates.
Colleges and universities expect their students to develop their critical thinking skills and may require students to take designated courses to that end. The importance and value of such study is widely recognized.
Much of the most significant communication of our lives is conducted in the form of debates. These may take place in intrapersonal communications, in which we weigh the pros and cons of an important decision in our own minds, or they may take place in interpersonal communications, in which we listen to arguments intended to influence our decision or participate in exchanges to influence the decisions of others.
Our success or failure in life is largely determined by our ability to make wise
AND
customer for out product, or a vote for our favored political candidate.

Second is dialogue.

Debate’s critical axis is a form of dialogic communication within a confined game space.

Unbridled affirmation outside the game space makes research impossible and destroys dialogue in debate

Hanghoj 8
http://static.sdu.dk/mediafiles/Files/Information_til/Studerende_ved_SDU/Din_uddannelse/phd_hum/afhandlinger/2009/ThorkilHanghoej.pdf
 Thorkild Hanghøj, Copenhagen, 2008
 Since this PhD project began in 2004, the present author has been affiliated with DREAM (Danish
Research Centre on Education and Advanced Media Materials), which is located at the Institute of
Literature, Media and Cultural Studies at the University of Southern Denmark. Research visits have
taken place at the Centre for Learning, Knowledge, and Interactive Technologies (L-KIT), the
Institute of Education at the University of Bristol and the institute formerly known as Learning Lab
Denmark at the School of Education, University of Aarhus, where I currently work as an assistant
professor. 

Debate games are often based on pre-designed scenarios that include descriptions of issues
AND
dialogue as an end in itself" (Wegerif, 2006: 61). 

Dialogue is critical to affirming any value—shutting down deliberation devolves into totalitarianism and reinscribes oppression

Morson 4
http://www.flt.uae.ac.ma/elhirech/baktine/0521831059.pdf~~23page=331
Northwestern Professor,  Prof. Morson’s work ranges over a variety of areas: literary theory (especially narrative); the history of ideas, both Russian and European; a variety of literary genres (especially satire, utopia, and the novel); and his favorite writers — Chekhov, Gogol, and, above all, Dostoevsky and Tolstoy. He is especially interested in the relation of literature to philosophy.

 Bakhtin viewed the whole process of "ideological" (in the sense of
AND
proceed in much the same way, in an ongoing spiral of intolerance.

Third is agonistic politics.

Our conception of debate produces an agonistic politics – finding the hardest debate and trying to win is critical to personal growth.

Yovel, Assistant professor, Faculty of Law, and coordinator of the law and philosophy program, University of Haifa, Israel, in ’3
~Jonathan, Cardozo Law Review, January, 24 Cardozo L. Rev. 635~
While reactive forces respond to their context and in this way are dictated by them
AND
the will to cast itself in the world, both natural and social.

2. Agonistic politics demands that ground be based on tradition. Otherwise our political community becomes meaningless

Arendt, The New School for Social Research, in ’5
~Hannah, The Promise of Politics, pg. 41-2~
It lies in the nature of a tradition to be accepted and absorbed as it
AND
shallowness which spreads a veil of meaninglessness over all spheres of modern life.

3. Switch side debate breaks down the ideology and prevents the slide into totalitarianism.

Roberts-Miller, University of Texas, in ’2
~Patricia, "Fighting Without Hatred: Hannah  Arendt’s Agonistic Rhetoric", JAC, Vol. 22 No. 3~
Arendt does not mean that group behavior is impossible in the realm of the social
AND
but not relativist, adversarial but not violent, independent but not expressivist rhetoric

Extra topiclaity – they claim advnatages based on action beyond the scope of the resolution. That’s unpredictable and a voting issue.

7. Our understanding of politics can inspire compassion.

Porter, head of the School of International Studies at the University of South Australia, 2006 ~Elisabeth, "Can politics practice compassion?" Hypatia Sep, p project muse~
As individuals, we have responsibilities beyond our personal connections to assist whenever it is
AND
be observant, and understand the implications of a failure to practice compassion.

And, especially in the context of policy debate.

Greene, Pf Rhetoric at Minnesota, in ’05
(Ronald, Cultural Studies, Volume 19, Issue 1 January, pages 100 – 126)
Nearly forty years after the debating-both-sides controversy erupted in the mid
AND
, helping to secure the possibility of respecting pluralism without risking moral relativism.

Tournament: Capitol | Round: 4 | Opponent: Mcdonogh PT | Judge: Fernando Kirkman

A. Your decision should answer the resolutional question: Is the enactment of topical action better than the status quo or a competitive option?

1. "Resolved" before a colon reflects a legislative forum

Army Officer School ’04
 (5-12, "~23 12, Punctuation – The Colon and Semicolon", http://usawocc.army.mil/IMI/wg12.htm)
The colon introduces the following: a.  A list, but only after "
AND
with dock g.  A formal resolution, after the word "resolved:"
Resolved: (colon) That this council petition the mayor.

2. "USFG should" means the debate is solely about a policy established by governmental means

Ericson ’03
(Jon M., Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4)
The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each topic contains
AND
compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose. 

B. They claim to win the debate for reasons other than the desirability of topical action

C. You should vote negative – 3 standards

First is decisionmaking –

Decisionmaking—debate over a controversial point of action creates argumentative stasis—that’s key to avoid a devolution of debate into competing truth claims

Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ’8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 45)

Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of
AND
Congress to make progress on the immigration debate during the summer of 2007.
Someone disturbed by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised
AND
specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference.
To have a productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making by directing and placing
AND

the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose.
Although we now have a general subject, we have not yet stated a problem
AND
particular point of difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion.

Decisionmaking is the most portable skill—key to all facets of life and advocacy

Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ’8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 9-10)

After several days of intense debate, first the United States House of Representatives and
AND
support the military action, and in the face of significant international opposition.
Meanwhile, and perhaps equally difficult for the parties involved, a young couple deliberated
AND
made. Each decision maker worked hard to make well-reasoned decisions.
Decision making is a thoughtful process of choosing among a variety of options for acting
AND
decision making, as do our school, community, and social organizations.
We all make many decisions even- day. To refinance or sell one’s home, to buy a high-performance SUV or an economical hybrid car. what major to select, what to have for dinner, what candidate CO vote for. paper or plastic, all present lis with choices. Should the president deal with an international crisis through military invasion or diplomacy? How should the U.S. Congress act to address illegal immigration?
Is the defendant guilty as accused? Tlie Daily Show or the ball game?
AND
do we sort through it and select the best information for our needs?
The ability of every decision maker to make good, reasoned, and ethical decisions relies heavily upon their ability to think critically. Critical thinking enables one to break argumentation down to its component parts in order to evaluate its relative validity and strength. Critical thinkers are better users of information, as well as better advocates.
Colleges and universities expect their students to develop their critical thinking skills and may require students to take designated courses to that end. The importance and value of such study is widely recognized.
Much of the most significant communication of our lives is conducted in the form of debates. These may take place in intrapersonal communications, in which we weigh the pros and cons of an important decision in our own minds, or they may take place in interpersonal communications, in which we listen to arguments intended to influence our decision or participate in exchanges to influence the decisions of others.
Our success or failure in life is largely determined by our ability to make wise
AND
customer for out product, or a vote for our favored political candidate.

Second is dialogue.

Debate’s critical axis is a form of dialogic communication within a confined game space.

Unbridled affirmation outside the game space makes research impossible and destroys dialogue in debate

Hanghoj 8
http://static.sdu.dk/mediafiles/Files/Information_til/Studerende_ved_SDU/Din_uddannelse/phd_hum/afhandlinger/2009/ThorkilHanghoej.pdf
 Thorkild Hanghøj, Copenhagen, 2008
 Since this PhD project began in 2004, the present author has been affiliated with DREAM (Danish
Research Centre on Education and Advanced Media Materials), which is located at the Institute of
Literature, Media and Cultural Studies at the University of Southern Denmark. Research visits have
taken place at the Centre for Learning, Knowledge, and Interactive Technologies (L-KIT), the
Institute of Education at the University of Bristol and the institute formerly known as Learning Lab
Denmark at the School of Education, University of Aarhus, where I currently work as an assistant
professor. 

Debate games are often based on pre-designed scenarios that include descriptions of issues
AND
dialogue as an end in itself" (Wegerif, 2006: 61). 

Dialogue is critical to affirming any value—shutting down deliberation devolves into totalitarianism and reinscribes oppression

Morson 4
http://www.flt.uae.ac.ma/elhirech/baktine/0521831059.pdf~~23page=331
Northwestern Professor,  Prof. Morson’s work ranges over a variety of areas: literary theory (especially narrative); the history of ideas, both Russian and European; a variety of literary genres (especially satire, utopia, and the novel); and his favorite writers — Chekhov, Gogol, and, above all, Dostoevsky and Tolstoy. He is especially interested in the relation of literature to philosophy.

 Bakhtin viewed the whole process of "ideological" (in the sense of
AND
proceed in much the same way, in an ongoing spiral of intolerance.

Third is agonistic politics.

Our conception of debate produces an agonistic politics – finding the hardest debate and trying to win is critical to personal growth.

Yovel, Assistant professor, Faculty of Law, and coordinator of the law and philosophy program, University of Haifa, Israel, in ’3
~Jonathan, Cardozo Law Review, January, 24 Cardozo L. Rev. 635~
While reactive forces respond to their context and in this way are dictated by them
AND
the will to cast itself in the world, both natural and social.

2. Agonistic politics demands that ground be based on tradition. Otherwise our political community becomes meaningless

Arendt, The New School for Social Research, in ’5
~Hannah, The Promise of Politics, pg. 41-2~
It lies in the nature of a tradition to be accepted and absorbed as it
AND
shallowness which spreads a veil of meaninglessness over all spheres of modern life.

3. Switch side debate breaks down the ideology and prevents the slide into totalitarianism.

Roberts-Miller, University of Texas, in ’2
~Patricia, "Fighting Without Hatred: Hannah  Arendt’s Agonistic Rhetoric", JAC, Vol. 22 No. 3~
Arendt does not mean that group behavior is impossible in the realm of the social
AND
but not relativist, adversarial but not violent, independent but not expressivist rhetoric

Extra topiclaity – they claim advnatages based on action beyond the scope of the resolution. That’s unpredictable and a voting issue.

7. Our understanding of politics can inspire compassion.

Porter, head of the School of International Studies at the University of South Australia, 2006 ~Elisabeth, "Can politics practice compassion?" Hypatia Sep, p project muse~
As individuals, we have responsibilities beyond our personal connections to assist whenever it is
AND
be observant, and understand the implications of a failure to practice compassion.

And, especially in the context of policy debate.

Greene, Pf Rhetoric at Minnesota, in ’05
(Ronald, Cultural Studies, Volume 19, Issue 1 January, pages 100 – 126)
Nearly forty years after the debating-both-sides controversy erupted in the mid
AND
, helping to secure the possibility of respecting pluralism without risking moral relativism.

Tournament: Capitol | Round: 5 | Opponent: Eastside MW | Judge: Daryl Burch

A. Your decision should answer the resolutional question: Is the enactment of topical action better than the status quo or a competitive option?

1. "Resolved" before a colon reflects a legislative forum

Army Officer School ’04
 (5-12, "~23 12, Punctuation – The Colon and Semicolon", http://usawocc.army.mil/IMI/wg12.htm)
The colon introduces the following: a.  A list, but only after "
AND
with dock g.  A formal resolution, after the word "resolved:"
Resolved: (colon) That this council petition the mayor.

2. "USFG should" means the debate is solely about a policy established by governmental means

Ericson ’03
(Jon M., Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4)
The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each topic contains
AND
compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose. 

B. They claim to win the debate for reasons other than the desirability of topical action

C. You should vote negative – 3 standards

First is decisionmaking –

Decisionmaking—debate over a controversial point of action creates argumentative stasis—that’s key to avoid a devolution of debate into competing truth claims

Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ’8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 45)

Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of
AND
Congress to make progress on the immigration debate during the summer of 2007.
Someone disturbed by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised
AND
specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference.
To have a productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making by directing and placing
AND

the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose.
Although we now have a general subject, we have not yet stated a problem
AND
particular point of difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion.

Decisionmaking is the most portable skill—key to all facets of life and advocacy

Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ’8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 9-10)

After several days of intense debate, first the United States House of Representatives and
AND
support the military action, and in the face of significant international opposition.
Meanwhile, and perhaps equally difficult for the parties involved, a young couple deliberated
AND
made. Each decision maker worked hard to make well-reasoned decisions.
Decision making is a thoughtful process of choosing among a variety of options for acting
AND
decision making, as do our school, community, and social organizations.
We all make many decisions even- day. To refinance or sell one’s home, to buy a high-performance SUV or an economical hybrid car. what major to select, what to have for dinner, what candidate CO vote for. paper or plastic, all present lis with choices. Should the president deal with an international crisis through military invasion or diplomacy? How should the U.S. Congress act to address illegal immigration?
Is the defendant guilty as accused? Tlie Daily Show or the ball game?
AND
do we sort through it and select the best information for our needs?
The ability of every decision maker to make good, reasoned, and ethical decisions relies heavily upon their ability to think critically. Critical thinking enables one to break argumentation down to its component parts in order to evaluate its relative validity and strength. Critical thinkers are better users of information, as well as better advocates.
Colleges and universities expect their students to develop their critical thinking skills and may require students to take designated courses to that end. The importance and value of such study is widely recognized.
Much of the most significant communication of our lives is conducted in the form of debates. These may take place in intrapersonal communications, in which we weigh the pros and cons of an important decision in our own minds, or they may take place in interpersonal communications, in which we listen to arguments intended to influence our decision or participate in exchanges to influence the decisions of others.
Our success or failure in life is largely determined by our ability to make wise
AND
customer for out product, or a vote for our favored political candidate.

Second is dialogue.

Debate’s critical axis is a form of dialogic communication within a confined game space.

Unbridled affirmation outside the game space makes research impossible and destroys dialogue in debate

Hanghoj 8
http://static.sdu.dk/mediafiles/Files/Information_til/Studerende_ved_SDU/Din_uddannelse/phd_hum/afhandlinger/2009/ThorkilHanghoej.pdf
 Thorkild Hanghøj, Copenhagen, 2008
 Since this PhD project began in 2004, the present author has been affiliated with DREAM (Danish
Research Centre on Education and Advanced Media Materials), which is located at the Institute of
Literature, Media and Cultural Studies at the University of Southern Denmark. Research visits have
taken place at the Centre for Learning, Knowledge, and Interactive Technologies (L-KIT), the
Institute of Education at the University of Bristol and the institute formerly known as Learning Lab
Denmark at the School of Education, University of Aarhus, where I currently work as an assistant
professor. 

Debate games are often based on pre-designed scenarios that include descriptions of issues
AND
dialogue as an end in itself" (Wegerif, 2006: 61). 

Dialogue is critical to affirming any value—shutting down deliberation devolves into totalitarianism and reinscribes oppression

Morson 4
http://www.flt.uae.ac.ma/elhirech/baktine/0521831059.pdf~~23page=331
Northwestern Professor,  Prof. Morson’s work ranges over a variety of areas: literary theory (especially narrative); the history of ideas, both Russian and European; a variety of literary genres (especially satire, utopia, and the novel); and his favorite writers — Chekhov, Gogol, and, above all, Dostoevsky and Tolstoy. He is especially interested in the relation of literature to philosophy.

 Bakhtin viewed the whole process of "ideological" (in the sense of
AND
proceed in much the same way, in an ongoing spiral of intolerance.

Third is agonistic politics.

Our conception of debate produces an agonistic politics – finding the hardest debate and trying to win is critical to personal growth.

Yovel, Assistant professor, Faculty of Law, and coordinator of the law and philosophy program, University of Haifa, Israel, in ’3
~Jonathan, Cardozo Law Review, January, 24 Cardozo L. Rev. 635~
While reactive forces respond to their context and in this way are dictated by them
AND
the will to cast itself in the world, both natural and social.

2. Agonistic politics demands that ground be based on tradition. Otherwise our political community becomes meaningless

Arendt, The New School for Social Research, in ’5
~Hannah, The Promise of Politics, pg. 41-2~
It lies in the nature of a tradition to be accepted and absorbed as it
AND
shallowness which spreads a veil of meaninglessness over all spheres of modern life.

3. Switch side debate breaks down the ideology and prevents the slide into totalitarianism.

Roberts-Miller, University of Texas, in ’2
~Patricia, "Fighting Without Hatred: Hannah  Arendt’s Agonistic Rhetoric", JAC, Vol. 22 No. 3~
Arendt does not mean that group behavior is impossible in the realm of the social
AND
but not relativist, adversarial but not violent, independent but not expressivist rhetoric

Extra topiclaity – they claim advnatages based on action beyond the scope of the resolution. That’s unpredictable and a voting issue.

7. Our understanding of politics can inspire compassion.

Porter, head of the School of International Studies at the University of South Australia, 2006 ~Elisabeth, "Can politics practice compassion?" Hypatia Sep, p project muse~
As individuals, we have responsibilities beyond our personal connections to assist whenever it is
AND
be observant, and understand the implications of a failure to practice compassion.

And, especially in the context of policy debate.

Greene, Pf Rhetoric at Minnesota, in ’05
(Ronald, Cultural Studies, Volume 19, Issue 1 January, pages 100 – 126)
Nearly forty years after the debating-both-sides controversy erupted in the mid
AND
, helping to secure the possibility of respecting pluralism without risking moral relativism.

Tournament: Capitol | Round: Octas | Opponent: River Hill DD | Judge: Ellie Miller, Dikshant Malla, Fernando Kirkman
A. Your decision should answer the resolutional question: Is the enactment of topical action better than the status quo or a competitive option?

1. "Resolved" before a colon reflects a legislative forum
   Army Officer School ’04
    (5-12, "23 12, Punctuation – The Colon and Semicolon", http://usawocc.army.mil/IMI/wg12.htm)
   The colon introduces the following: a.  A list, but only after "
   AND
   with dock g.  A formal resolution, after the word "resolved:"
   Resolved: (colon) That this council petition the mayor.

2. "USFG should" means the debate is solely about a policy established by governmental means
Ericson ’03
(Jon M., Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4)
The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each topic contains
AND
compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose. 

B. They claim to win the debate for reasons other than the desirability of topical action
C. You should vote negative – 3 standards
First is decisionmaking –
Decisionmaking—debate over a controversial point of action creates argumentative stasis—that’s key to avoid a devolution of debate into competing truth claims
Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ’8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 45)

Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of
AND
Congress to make progress on the immigration debate during the summer of 2007.
Someone disturbed by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised
AND
specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference.
To have a productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making by directing and placing
AND

the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose.
Although we now have a general subject, we have not yet stated a problem
AND
particular point of difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion.
Decisionmaking is the most portable skill—key to all facets of life and advocacy
Steinberg, lecturer of communication studies – University of Miami, and Freeley, Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, ’8
(David L. and Austin J., Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making p. 9-10)

After several days of intense debate, first the United States House of Representatives and
AND
support the military action, and in the face of significant international opposition.
Meanwhile, and perhaps equally difficult for the parties involved, a young couple deliberated
AND
made. Each decision maker worked hard to make well-reasoned decisions.
Decision making is a thoughtful process of choosing among a variety of options for acting
AND
decision making, as do our school, community, and social organizations.
We all make many decisions even- day. To refinance or sell one’s home, to buy a high-performance SUV or an economical hybrid car. what major to select, what to have for dinner, what candidate CO vote for. paper or plastic, all present lis with choices. Should the president deal with an international crisis through military invasion or diplomacy? How should the U.S. Congress act to address illegal immigration?
Is the defendant guilty as accused? Tlie Daily Show or the ball game?
AND
do we sort through it and select the best information for our needs?
The ability of every decision maker to make good, reasoned, and ethical decisions relies heavily upon their ability to think critically. Critical thinking enables one to break argumentation down to its component parts in order to evaluate its relative validity and strength. Critical thinkers are better users of information, as well as better advocates.
Colleges and universities expect their students to develop their critical thinking skills and may require students to take designated courses to that end. The importance and value of such study is widely recognized.
Much of the most significant communication of our lives is conducted in the form of debates. These may take place in intrapersonal communications, in which we weigh the pros and cons of an important decision in our own minds, or they may take place in interpersonal communications, in which we listen to arguments intended to influence our decision or participate in exchanges to influence the decisions of others.
Our success or failure in life is largely determined by our ability to make wise
AND
customer for out product, or a vote for our favored political candidate.

Second is dialogue.
Debate’s critical axis is a form of dialogic communication within a confined game space.
Unbridled affirmation outside the game space makes research impossible and destroys dialogue in debate
Hanghoj 8
http://static.sdu.dk/mediafiles/Files/Information_til/Studerende_ved_SDU/Din_uddannelse/phd_hum/afhandlinger/2009/ThorkilHanghoej.pdf
 Thorkild Hanghøj, Copenhagen, 2008
 Since this PhD project began in 2004, the present author has been affiliated with DREAM (Danish
Research Centre on Education and Advanced Media Materials), which is located at the Institute of
Literature, Media and Cultural Studies at the University of Southern Denmark. Research visits have
taken place at the Centre for Learning, Knowledge, and Interactive Technologies (L-KIT), the
Institute of Education at the University of Bristol and the institute formerly known as Learning Lab
Denmark at the School of Education, University of Aarhus, where I currently work as an assistant
professor. 

Debate games are often based on pre-designed scenarios that include descriptions of issues
AND
dialogue as an end in itself" (Wegerif, 2006: 61). 

Dialogue is critical to affirming any value—shutting down deliberation devolves into totalitarianism and reinscribes oppression
Morson 4
http://www.flt.uae.ac.ma/elhirech/baktine/0521831059.pdf~~23page=331
Northwestern Professor,  Prof. Morson’s work ranges over a variety of areas: literary theory (especially narrative); the history of ideas, both Russian and European; a variety of literary genres (especially satire, utopia, and the novel); and his favorite writers — Chekhov, Gogol, and, above all, Dostoevsky and Tolstoy. He is especially interested in the relation of literature to philosophy.

 Bakhtin viewed the whole process of "ideological" (in the sense of
AND
proceed in much the same way, in an ongoing spiral of intolerance.

Third is agonistic politics.
Our conception of debate produces an agonistic politics – finding the hardest debate and trying to win is critical to personal growth.
Yovel, Assistant professor, Faculty of Law, and coordinator of the law and philosophy program, University of Haifa, Israel, in ’3
Jonathan, Cardozo Law Review, January, 24 Cardozo L. Rev. 635
While reactive forces respond to their context and in this way are dictated by them
AND
the will to cast itself in the world, both natural and social.

2. Agonistic politics demands that ground be based on tradition. Otherwise our political community becomes meaningless
Arendt, The New School for Social Research, in ’5
Hannah, The Promise of Politics, pg. 41-2
It lies in the nature of a tradition to be accepted and absorbed as it
AND
shallowness which spreads a veil of meaninglessness over all spheres of modern life.

3. Switch side debate breaks down the ideology and prevents the slide into totalitarianism.
Roberts-Miller, University of Texas, in ’2
Patricia, "Fighting Without Hatred: Hannah  Arendt’s Agonistic Rhetoric", JAC, Vol. 22 No. 3
Arendt does not mean that group behavior is impossible in the realm of the social
AND
but not relativist, adversarial but not violent, independent but not expressivist rhetoric

Extra topiclaity – they claim advnatages based on action beyond the scope of the resolution. That’s unpredictable and a voting issue.

7. Our understanding of politics can inspire compassion.
Porter, head of the School of International Studies at the University of South Australia, 2006 Elisabeth, "Can politics practice compassion?" Hypatia Sep, p project muse
As individuals, we have responsibilities beyond our personal connections to assist whenever it is
AND
be observant, and understand the implications of a failure to practice compassion.

And, especially in the context of policy debate.
Greene, Pf Rhetoric at Minnesota, in ’05
(Ronald, Cultural Studies, Volume 19, Issue 1 January, pages 100 – 126)
Nearly forty years after the debating-both-sides controversy erupted in the mid
AND
, helping to secure the possibility of respecting pluralism without risking moral relativism.

Tournament: Pennsbury | Round: Quarters | Opponent: Lexington KL | Judge:
Contemporary radical Western criticism is the product of a desire to preserve the singularity of the Western intellectual as Subject. The subaltern becomes the epistemological backdrop against which the dramas of bourgeois subjectivity are played out. They start from the point of enlightened knowledge about the unenlightened Other, presumptuously assuming that if the subaltern were here, speaking, they would be on-board with the movement. Even if the subaltern could speak, the performance of the affirmative would already have torn out their vocal cords.
Spivak 99 Gayatri spivak, can the subaltern speak

Some of the most radical criticism coming out of the¶ West today is the
AND
and education supplementing an earlier economic¶ text, can the subaltern speak?
Academia and debate have already been infiltrated by the military – the affirmative’s radical strategy of visibility and calls for dialogue will be co-opted for sovereign violence
Forte 2009 Maximilian C., Professor of Anthropology Montreal, May 22, “Useless Anthropology”: Strategies for Dealing with the Militarization of the Academy « ZERO ANTHROPOLOGY, http://zeroanthropology.net/2009/05/22/e2809cuseless-anthropologye2809d-strategies-for-dealing-with-the-militarization-of-the-academy/#print

One does not need to seek employment with the Pentagon, take part in counterinsurgency
AND
is simply to leave here today and continue to conduct business as usual.

The affirmative’s attempt to “understand the other” as a starting point for their politics is a colonial tactic of making the other transparent, but the alternative solves
Britton 99 Celia, Professor of French teaches French Caribbean literature and thought, postcolonial theory; surrealism in the Caribbean; psychoanalysis and colonialism; literature and ideology; images of community; the Nouveau Roman, Edouard Glissant and Postcolonial Theory: Strategies of Language and Resistance, pgs. 18-25

More controversially, opacity is also a defense against understanding, at least in the
AND
, that¶ determines the relations between "discoverer" and "discovered."

The alternative is the politics of opacity: we can agree with the affirmative strategy to disrupt white supremacy—but the debate should be about tactics.  Opacity is key to resisting the lure of empathetic identification in debate represented by their call for the ballot and the positioning of the judge as the link to a new politics.

The alternative isn’t a blueprint and we’re not going to tell you exactly what it means—we must disappear into the undercommons to find it.  Opacity makes us dissenting fugitives unfit for subjugation.  This is the only way to occupy spaces of sanctioned knowledge production like debate and the university without becoming grist for their mill.
Moten and Harney 2004 (Fred and Stefano, The University and the Undercommons: Seven Theses, Social Text 22.2, Summer)

 “To the university I’ll steal, and there I’ll steal,” to borrow
AND
as it is the prophecy in the organization of the act of teaching.

Tournament: Emory, The Barkley Forum | Round: 4 | Opponent: Hooch AS | Judge: Sara Sanchez
Their depiction of China as a threat is a discursive construct that doesn’t reflect objective reality. The thesis of a threatening Chinese rise is a falsehood designed to ratify Western power.
Chengxin Pan, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Arts, at Deakin University, August 2004, Discourses Of ‘China’ In International Relations: A Study in Western Theory as (IR) Practice, p. 141-142

These are some of the questions in the minds of Western/American strategic analysts
AND
‘discover’ a China threat out there; it was cognitively constructed beforehand.

Tournament: Pennsbury | Round: Octas | Opponent: Thomas Jefferson CG | Judge: Bleyle, Pinchuk, Hanratty
We affirm the entirety of the 1ac excluding the preempts.  

The logic of pre-emption leads to both geoengineering as the mass sacrifice of vulnerable populations to secure liberal zones of peace
Anderson, 10 Progress in Human Geography 34(6) 777–798 ª The Author(s) 2010 Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalspermissions.nav 10.1177/0309132510362600 phg.sagepub.com Corresponding author: Department of Geography, Durham University, Science Laboratories, South Road, Durham DH1 3LE, UK Email: ben.anderson@durham.ac.uk\
The most high-profile examples of preemptive action have been in the context of
AND
of the ‘war on terror’ lives that have been abandoned and dispossessed.

Preemption is the foundation for modern violence
Massumi, 7 (Brian, Communication Department of the Université de Montréal , “Potential Politics and the Primacy of Preemption”)
It is certain that there will be adjustments. But it should be remembered that
AND
deterrence itself: the quantitative balance necessary to achieve life-defining mutuality.

Tournament: Georgetown | Round: 5 | Opponent: Eastside MW | Judge:
Interpretation – Economic engagement seeks behavior change with economic instruments
Jakštait?  10   Gerda Jakštait?, Doctoral Candidate Vytautas Magnus University Faculty of Political Sciences and Diplomacy, Lithuania    BALTIC JOURNAL OF LAW and POLITICS, VOLUME 3, NUMBER 2    2010  CONTAINMENT AND ENGAGEMENT AS MIDDLE-RANGETHEORIES     http://versita.metapress.com/content/0w3157n438689417/fulltext.pdf
The approach to engagement as economic engagement focuses exclusively on economic instruments of foreign policy
AND
exclude the possibility to realize economic engagement in relations with democratic  regimes.  97
It’s a voter – Limits are necessary for negative preparation and clash – the Aff makes the topic too big by making all economic relations topical.  Only by requiring efforts to change behavior is there a reasonable limit.
Haass and O’Sullivan  2K   Richard N. Haass, formerly a senior aide to President George Bush, is Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution AND Meghan L. O’Sullivan, is a Fellow in the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the Brookings Institution    Terms of Engagement: Alternatives to Punitive Policies   Survival, vol. 42, no. 2, Summer 2000, pp. 113–35    Taylor and Francis online http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1093/survival/42.2.113#preview
The term ‘engagement’ was popularised in the early 1980s amid controversy  about the Reagan
AND
to shape the behaviour of countries with which the US has important  disagreements.